172 resultados para linguistic calques


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La pedagogía crítica acentúa la falta de neutralidad de la escuela respecto a las relaciones de poder que existen en la sociedad. Su propuesta consiste en modificar las relaciones de poder en el aula en el sentido de transformar las relaciones coercitivas –las que reproducen las relaciones existentes– en relaciones colaborativas partiendo del reconocimiento y la participación de los alumnos en las actividades escolares. Desde esta perspectiva, uno de los objetivos de las actividades es que los niños produzcan «textos identitarios», entendidos como artefactos que los alumnos se pueden apropiar para promover su desarrollo cognitivo. El artículo muestra el trabajo educativo integrado desde Educación Infantil hasta 6.º de Primaria de una escuela de la provincia de Girona en la que el 97% de los alumnos es de origen extranjero y cuyo propósito es incrementar las habilidades lingüísticas orales y escritas en la lengua escolar, así como la utilización de otros lenguajes multimedia. La unidad didáctica consiste en la elaboración de un cuento a lo largo de un curso escolar por parte de todo el alumnado con la ayuda de los profesores, de dos autores y de tres ilustradores. Cada ciclo escolar decide los personajes y el escenario y explicita textualmente el transcurso de la acción. Los ilustradores producen las imágenes y los autores posibilitan la transición de aquello que ha elaborado un ciclo al producto del siguiente. La actividad basada en la participación y la utilización de procedimientos democráticos de decisión se inserta en la propuesta educativa y lingüística de la escuela, así como en sus concreciones curriculares. Los resultados muestran que los textos construidos por los niños se apoyan en sus «fondos de conocimiento» sociales y familiares y constituyen una fuente de progreso en la consecución de las competencias básicas y en la construcción de valores democráticos

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La globalización cuestiona la existencia de una relación mimética entre ciudadanía y Estado-nación. Las identidades homogéneas, sustentadas ideológicamente en nociones como «lengua nacional», plantean problemas en sociedades en las que ha crecido espectacularmente la diversidad lingüística e identitaria. Cataluña es un territorio en el que una parte de la población afirma una identidad catalana distinta a la española y viceversa. Además, se ha teorizado que la identidad catalana y la lengua catalana coexisten mutuamente. Por eso, se suceden voces que defienden la presencia del catalán en la educación escolar como fuente de la identidad nacional catalana, mientras que otras voces defienden su presencia simplemente como una buena manera de aprender el catalán cuando no se puede aprender en el medio social y familiar. En los últimos años, Cataluña ha recibido casi un millón de personas extranjeras que han modificado notablemente su situación sociolingüística. Las últimas encuestas manifiestan que un 6,3% de la población utiliza habitualmente una lengua distinta del catalán y del castellano. En este marco, mostramos las construcciones identitarias de un grupo de adolescentes de origen extranjero que están en el segundo ciclo de la ESO. Los datos fueron recogidos mediante dos grupos de discusión de seis-siete estudiantes de distinto origen, lengua propia y tiempo de residencia en Cataluña. Los resultados muestran la importancia del lugar de origen en la construcción de la identidad. Además, los participantes que afirman sentimientos catalanes o españoles no los relacionan con la lengua sino con los intercambios sociales que han establecido con sus iguales de origen naciona. Las intervenciones muestran también las dificultades para promover identidades múltiples desde el contexto escolar que eviten actitudes racistas y xenófobas y sirvan para promover proyectos colectivos de futuro en los que se pueda vivir desde una cierta diferencia

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La infancia extranjera se escolariza en Cataluña en un programa de cambio de lengua del hogar a la escuela. Las investigaciones afirman que este alumnado tarda un mínimo de seis años en equiparar sus habilidades lingüístico-cognitivas con sus pares autóctonos, no así las habilidades conversacionales, las cuales se adquieren antes de los dos años de residencia. Sin embargo, no existen estudios sobre los efectos de la escolarización en el parvulario del alumnado alófono, así como de su lengua familiar, en relación con la adquisición de la lengua escolar. El artículo es un estudio comparativo de la adquisición del catalán de 567 autóctonos y 434 alófonos, al final del parvulario, en 50 escuelas de Cataluña que escolarizan a alumnado de origen extranjero. Las lenguas del alumnado autóctono son el catalán, el castellano y el bilingüismo catalán-castellano y las lenguas del alumnado alófono son el árabe, el soninké y el castellano. Los factores utilizados más relevantes han sido el nivel socioprofesional y educativo de las familias, el tiempo de residencia y el momento de escolarización del alumnado, el porcentaje de alumnado catalanohablante y de alumnado alófono en el aula y el contexto sociolingüístico del centro escolar. Los resultados muestran que el alumnado autóctono sabe más catalán que el alumnado alófono, pero las diferencias desaparecen respecto a algunos factores, de los cuales los más relevantes son los relacionados con las características del alumnado de las aulas. La lengua familiar del alumnado alófono no incide en sus resultados

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The evaluation of the quality and impact of journals as a starting point to systematise the quality of research is an indirect method commonly used for obtaining information for systematic and major evaluation efforts, such as those needed for public tenders to aid projects and research groups. Nevertheless, this method runs into an important obstacle: preparing rankings of journals in the humanities and social sciences is considerably more complex than for those on experimental, biomedical or technological sciences. Cultural, linguistic and territorial components of research in the humanities and social sciences radically question the international rankings. Within this context, the article presents the experience of a study-in-progress whose intention is to evaluate the rankings of journals in the humanities and social sciences published in 1997 by the Generalitat de Catalunya. Even thought an attempt was made to bring this type of titles closer to the Catalan community of researchers, the initiative has been frequently surrounded by controversy and criticism and, at the present, does not enjoy the needed recognition of the Catalan academic sector.

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A citation analysis was carried out on the most important research journals in the field of Catalan literature between 1974 and 2003. The indicators and qualitative parameters obtained show the value of performing citation analysis in cultural and linguistic areas that are poorly covered by the A&HCI. Catalan literature shows a similar pattern to that of humanities in general, but it could still be in a stage of consolidation because too little work has as yet been published.

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S'hi fa una diagnosi aprofundida de la situació sociolingüí­stica catalana actual centrada en els usos lingüí­stics dels joves i el seu ecosistema de determinació. Alhora s'hi proposen mesures concretes de política lingüística en diversos camps, importants per a fer possible l'extensió de l'ús del català  en aquest segment generacional.

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The purpose of this article is to treat a currently much debated issue, the effects of age on second language learning. To do so, we contrast data collected by our research team from over one thousand seven hundred young and adult learners with four popular beliefs or generalizations, which, while deeply rooted in this society, are not always corroborated by our data.Two of these generalizations about Second Language Acquisition (languages spoken in the social context) seem to be widely accepted: a) older children, adolescents and adults are quicker and more efficient at the first stages of learning than are younger learners; b) in a natural context children with an early start are more liable to attain higher levels of proficiency. However, in the context of Foreign Language Acquisition, the context in which we collect the data, this second generalization is difficult to verify due to the low number of instructional hours (a maximum of some 800 hours) and the lower levels of language exposure time provided. The design of our research project has allowed us to study differences observed with respect to the age of onset (ranging from 2 to 18+), but in this article we focus on students who began English instruction at the age of 8 (LOGSE Educational System) and those who began at the age of 11 (EGB). We have collected data from both groups after a period of 200 (Time 1) and 416 instructional hours (Time 2), and we are currently collecting data after a period of 726 instructional hours (Time 3). We have designed and administered a variety of tests: tests on English production and reception, both oral and written, and within both academic and communicative oriented approaches, on the learners' L1 (Spanish and Catalan), as well as a questionnaire eliciting personal and sociolinguistic information. The questions we address and the relevant empirical evidence are as follows: 1. "For young children, learning languages is a game. They enjoy it more than adults."Our data demonstrate that the situation is not quite so. Firstly, both at the levels of Primary and Secondary education (ranging from 70.5% in 11-year-olds to 89% in 14-year-olds) students have a positive attitude towards learning English. Secondly, there is a difference between the two groups with respect to the factors they cite as responsible for their motivation to learn English: the younger students cite intrinsic factors, such as the games they play, the methodology used and the teacher, whereas the older students cite extrinsic factors, such as the role of their knowledge of English in the achievement of their future professional goals. 2 ."Young children have more resources to learn languages." Here our data suggest just the opposite. The ability to employ learning strategies (actions or steps used) increases with age. Older learners' strategies are more varied and cognitively more complex. In contrast, younger learners depend more on their interlocutor and external resources and therefore have a lower level of autonomy in their learning. 3. "Young children don't talk much but understand a lot"This third generalization does seem to be confirmed, at least to a certain extent, by our data in relation to the analysis of differences due to the age factor and productive use of the target language. As seen above, the comparably slower progress of the younger learners is confirmed. Our analysis of interpersonal receptive abilities demonstrates as well the advantage of the older learners. Nevertheless, with respect to passive receptive activities (for example, simple recognition of words or sentences) no great differences are observed. Statistical analyses suggest that in this test, in contrast to the others analyzed, the dominance of the subjects' L1s (reflecting a cognitive capacity that grows with age) has no significant influence on the learning process. 4. "The sooner they begin, the better their results will be in written language"This is not either completely confirmed in our research. First of all, we perceive that certain compensatory strategies disappear only with age, but not with the number of instructional hours. Secondly, given an identical number of instructional hours, the older subjects obtain better results. With respect to our analysis of data from subjects of the same age (12 years old) but with a different number of instructional hours (200 and 416 respectively, as they began at the ages of 11 and 8), we observe that those who began earlier excel only in the area of lexical fluency. In conclusion, the superior rate of older learners appears to be due to their higher level of cognitive development, a factor which allows them to benefit more from formal or explicit instruction in the school context. Younger learners, however, do not benefit from the quantity and quality of linguistic exposure typical of a natural acquisition context in which they would be allowed to make use of implicit learning abilities. It seems clear, then, that the initiative in this country to begin foreign language instruction earlier will have positive effects only if it occurs in combination with either higher levels of exposure time to the foreign language, or, alternatively, with its use as the language of instruction in other areas of the curriculum.

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S'hi fa una diagnosi aprofundida de la situació sociolingüí­stica catalana actual centrada en els usos lingüí­stics dels joves i el seu ecosistema de determinació. Alhora s'hi proposen mesures concretes de política lingüística en diversos camps, importants per a fer possible l'extensió de l'ús del català  en aquest segment generacional.

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This article explores the case of Barcelona as paradigmatic global city in such transnational productions as Vicky Cristina Barcelona by Woody Allen (2008) and Biutiful by Alejandro González Iñárritu (2010). Allen"s film shows the extreme dilution that national and linguistic identity undergoes under foreign eyes in its rendition of a"hip Barcelona" for tourists"invaded" by transnational subjects in search of bourgeois pleasures. Maybe in pursuit of a more"real" city, Iñárritu"s Biutiful moves to the Barcelona of the immigrants and the undocumented, a transnational and paradoxical location inhabited by those who need to cross borders in order to survive. Through reference to the work of Manuel Castells, Saskia Sassen, Neil Smith and Michel De Certeau among others, we argue that neither of these representations of the city is more real or unreal than the other. In their drastically divergent ways, both films contribute their external perspectives to the imaginary construction of Barcelona as a fascinating global city and can be seen as a dyptich of a transnational Barcelona. Further, they contribute to the ongoing debate about the polarization between the local and the global, the construction of urban boarders inside cities through gentrification, the transformation of the places we (would like to) inhabit, and the translation of all these into visual terms.

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The purpose of this article is to treat a currently much debated issue, the effects of age on second language learning. To do so, we contrast data collected by our research team from over one thousand seven hundred young and adult learners with four popular beliefs or generalizations, which, while deeply rooted in this society, are not always corroborated by our data.Two of these generalizations about Second Language Acquisition (languages spoken in the social context) seem to be widely accepted: a) older children, adolescents and adults are quicker and more efficient at the first stages of learning than are younger learners; b) in a natural context children with an early start are more liable to attain higher levels of proficiency. However, in the context of Foreign Language Acquisition, the context in which we collect the data, this second generalization is difficult to verify due to the low number of instructional hours (a maximum of some 800 hours) and the lower levels of language exposure time provided. The design of our research project has allowed us to study differences observed with respect to the age of onset (ranging from 2 to 18+), but in this article we focus on students who began English instruction at the age of 8 (LOGSE Educational System) and those who began at the age of 11 (EGB). We have collected data from both groups after a period of 200 (Time 1) and 416 instructional hours (Time 2), and we are currently collecting data after a period of 726 instructional hours (Time 3). We have designed and administered a variety of tests: tests on English production and reception, both oral and written, and within both academic and communicative oriented approaches, on the learners' L1 (Spanish and Catalan), as well as a questionnaire eliciting personal and sociolinguistic information. The questions we address and the relevant empirical evidence are as follows: 1. "For young children, learning languages is a game. They enjoy it more than adults."Our data demonstrate that the situation is not quite so. Firstly, both at the levels of Primary and Secondary education (ranging from 70.5% in 11-year-olds to 89% in 14-year-olds) students have a positive attitude towards learning English. Secondly, there is a difference between the two groups with respect to the factors they cite as responsible for their motivation to learn English: the younger students cite intrinsic factors, such as the games they play, the methodology used and the teacher, whereas the older students cite extrinsic factors, such as the role of their knowledge of English in the achievement of their future professional goals. 2 ."Young children have more resources to learn languages." Here our data suggest just the opposite. The ability to employ learning strategies (actions or steps used) increases with age. Older learners' strategies are more varied and cognitively more complex. In contrast, younger learners depend more on their interlocutor and external resources and therefore have a lower level of autonomy in their learning. 3. "Young children don't talk much but understand a lot"This third generalization does seem to be confirmed, at least to a certain extent, by our data in relation to the analysis of differences due to the age factor and productive use of the target language. As seen above, the comparably slower progress of the younger learners is confirmed. Our analysis of interpersonal receptive abilities demonstrates as well the advantage of the older learners. Nevertheless, with respect to passive receptive activities (for example, simple recognition of words or sentences) no great differences are observed. Statistical analyses suggest that in this test, in contrast to the others analyzed, the dominance of the subjects' L1s (reflecting a cognitive capacity that grows with age) has no significant influence on the learning process. 4. "The sooner they begin, the better their results will be in written language"This is not either completely confirmed in our research. First of all, we perceive that certain compensatory strategies disappear only with age, but not with the number of instructional hours. Secondly, given an identical number of instructional hours, the older subjects obtain better results. With respect to our analysis of data from subjects of the same age (12 years old) but with a different number of instructional hours (200 and 416 respectively, as they began at the ages of 11 and 8), we observe that those who began earlier excel only in the area of lexical fluency. In conclusion, the superior rate of older learners appears to be due to their higher level of cognitive development, a factor which allows them to benefit more from formal or explicit instruction in the school context. Younger learners, however, do not benefit from the quantity and quality of linguistic exposure typical of a natural acquisition context in which they would be allowed to make use of implicit learning abilities. It seems clear, then, that the initiative in this country to begin foreign language instruction earlier will have positive effects only if it occurs in combination with either higher levels of exposure time to the foreign language, or, alternatively, with its use as the language of instruction in other areas of the curriculum.

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Com sabem, hi ha suficients símptomes per afirmar que el sistema escolar català no acaba d"aconseguir un desenvolupament òptim de la fluïdesa oral en català que pogués permetre als alumnes que no tenen aquesta llengua com a inicial un grau de col·loquialització suficient per poder-la usar sense sentir incomoditat o inseguretat. Certament, això no és la sola responsabi litat del sistema en si sinó també del context demosociolingüístic en què les institucions escolars es troben inserides. Aquest context és caracteritzat, per a molta de la població escolar, per una altíssima concentració residencial d"individus de llengua inicial castellana amb poques oportunitats de relació habitual amb altres persones de llengua inicial catalana. Aquest estat de coses fa que el procés de bilingüització en català hagi de dependre fonamentalment del sistema escolar, ja que no pot obtenir els efectes contextuals d"un contacte sovintejat i habitual entre les poblacions, com el que es produïa encara a Catalunya abans, diguem, del 1960.

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Los manuales de historia de la lingüística tratan del mito bíblico de Babel y del nacimiento de la gramática en Alejandría de manos de Dionisio de Tracia. Estos pasajes de la historia, que corresponden a épocas diferentes, remiten a dos problemas fundamentales de la lingüística: por una parte, el origen del lenguaje y la diversidad lingüística; por la otra, la invención de la gramática como instrumento para la edición de textos y para el conocimiento formal de la lengua. Pese a las diferencias, Babel y la biblioteca de Alejandría tienen en común una naturaleza mítica. Sus relatos contienen elementos de la ficción y de la realidad que suelen pasar desapercibidos. El artículo señala estos elementos y establece ciertas afinidades entre Babel y la biblioteca, de suerte que articulados componen un ciclo narrativo. // Abstract.- Babel and the Library, the myth masks in Linguistics. History textbooks of linguistics explain the biblical myth of Babel and the birth of grammar in Alexandria at the hands of Dionysius Thrax. These passages of history, which correspond to different times, refer to two fundamental problems of linguistics: first, the origin of language and linguistic diversity and on the other, the invention of grammar as a tool for text editing and formal knowledge of the language. Despite the differences, Babel and the library of Alexandria share a mythical nature. These stories contain elements of fiction and reality that often go unnoticed. The article points out these elements and establishes affinities between Babel and the library, so that it should be considered as a narrative cycle. Keywords: Babel, Library of Alexandria, myth, story, grammar, institution, Dionysius Thrax.

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En aquest article reflexionem sobre el monopoli de les llengües "majoritàries" en l'àmbit de les tecnologies lingüístiques. Analitzem, així mateix, com les llengües minoritàries poden afrontar aquest desafiament i examinem el cas de l'èuscar. Un cop estudiat el desenvolupament de l'èuscar en el camp de les tecnologies lingüístiques, analitzem fins a quin punt aquestes tecnologies poden ajudar el procés de normalització de la llengua.

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By providing a better understanding of paraphrase and coreference in terms of similarities and differences in their linguistic nature, this article delimits what the focus of paraphrase extraction and coreference resolution tasks should be, and to what extent they can help each other. We argue for the relevance of this discussion to Natural Language Processing.