Zones lliures de transgènics a Europa : origen, desenvolupament i implantació a l'Estat Espanyol i a Catalunya

El nou moviment de les Zones Lliures de Transgènics (ZLT) sorgeix dels moviments d’oposició als OMGAs, paral·lement al debat que està tenint lloc en el sí de la UE, entorn la viabilitat de la coexistència entre l’agricultura transgènica i la convencional o ecològica. Aquest moviment que s’articula des de la dimensió local però amb un marcat simbolisme i rellevància en l’àmbit global, constitueix una important eina de desobediència civil dins el marc regulatori de la UE. Actualment, dins el context europeu, és a l’Estat Espanyol on es concentra la major superfície de blat de moro MG a escala comercial, cosa que dificulta l’establiment de ZLT. Aquest moviment, que reivindica la sobirania de les regions dins el gegant europeu, constitueix una alternativa real al model de producció, consum i dedesenvolupament actuals.

L’Europe des partis: paradoxes, contradictions et antinomies

L’autor constata la presència de clivelles europeus conseqüència d’apostes que només la Unió Europea pot tractar ja que s’escapen de l’acció dels governs europeus. De les dos clivelles descobertes per Hix i Lord en el Parlament europeu, la que oposa els partidaris de la "Europa liberal" amb els de l’"Europa social" és avui determinant per dues raons, doctrinal la primera i empírica la segona, que l’autor desenvolupa en aquest treball.

Tendències temporals de la mortalitat per càncer de fetge a Catalunya: periode 1983-2002 i projeccions pel 2005

Estudi elaborat a partir d’una estada al Finnish Cancer Registry a Helsinki, Finlandia entre setembre i novembre del 2006. Davant l’increment dels tumors hepàtics en països industrialitzats, s’avaluen les tendències temporals de la malaltia hepàtica a Catalunya durant el període 1983-2002 i s’estima la tendència futura a partir de l’any 2005. L’estudi s’ha basat en dades del Registre de Mortalitat de Catalunya i de l’Institut d’Estadística de Catalunya. La malaltia hepàtica inclou diverses tipologies de tumors hepàtics i la cirrosi hepàtica. Els models edad-període-cohort s’han emprat per estimar els efectes període de mortalitat i cohort de naixement. Els resultats han mostrat que les taxes de mortalitat per cirrosi han disminuït en ambdós sexes, exceptuant els homes d’entre els 35-50 anys, pels quals la mortalitat es mantingué estable. S’han observat increments en la mortalitat per carcinoma hepatocel•lular i en els tumors de vies biliars intrahepàtiques, mentre que les projeccions mostren estabilitat en la tendència d’aquestes malalties durant el període 2005-2009. Les tendències de la mortalitat per malaltia hepàtica constatades poden ser degudes a la implementació de teràpies noves, nous mètodes de diagnòstic, infecció pel virus de l’hepatitis C d’altres factors desconeguts.

Why did London become the main money market? Monetary Policy, Arbitrage and European Money Market Integration in 18th century

How did the leading capital market start to attract international bullion? Why did London become the main money market? Monetary regulations, including the charges for minting money and the restrictions on bullion exchange, have played the key role in defining the direction of the flow of international bullion. Countries that abolished minting charges and permitted the free movement of bullion were able to attract international bullion, and countries that applied minting taxes suffered an outflow of bullion. In these cases monetary authorities tried to limit bullion movement through prohibitions on domestic bullion exchange at a free price, and tariffs and quantitative restrictions on bullion exports. The paper illustrates the logic of international monetary flow in the 18th century, using empirical evidence for England, France and Spain. The first section defines and measures monetary policy, and the second section introduces minting charges into the arbitrage equation in order to explain the logic of bullion flow between the pairs of nations England-France, England-Spain and France-Spain. The conclusion emphasises the importance of monetary policy in the creation of leading money markets.

El neoinstitucionalismo como instrumento de análisis del proceso de integración europea

Este artículo analiza tres enfoques fundamentales del proceso de integración europea: neofuncionalista, intergubernamentalista y con especial atención al neoinstitucionalismo

Cooperative vs. non-cooperative mechanisms in the EU decision making process

According to the account of the European Union (EU) decision making proposed in this paper, this is a bargaining process during which actors shift their policy positions with a view to reaching agreements on controversial issues.

Regiones y constitución europea

El artículo se desarrolla en tres apartados. El primero dibuja el estado de la cuestión en relación con los instrumentos actuales de participación regional en las decisiones europeas. El segundo analiza detalladamente el debate de las posiciones y las propuestas defendidas durante los trabajos de la Convención Europea alrededor del grado de inserción de las regiones en la toma de decisiones. El tercero examina las principales consecuencias que se derivan del acuerdo final, poniendo especialmente de relieve las implicaciones que se derivan para los Estados miembros que, como España, se hayan inmersos en un proceso de reformas constitucionales y estatuarias

Turkey's accession to the EU: interests, ideas and path dependence

The paper is divided into four sections. The first offers a critical assessment of explanations of both rationalist and constructivist approaches currently dominating European studies and assesses the notion of path dependence. The second and third sections analyse the role of both material interests and polity ideas in EU enlargement to Turkey, and conclude that explanations exclusively based on either strategic calculations or values and identities have significant shortcomings. The fourth section examines the institutional path of Turkey's candidacy to show how the course of action begun at Helsinki restricted the range of possible and legitimate options three years later in Copenhagen.

An instrumental analysis of the European Union's capability to act in conflict response

Descripció i anàlisi dels instruments polítics, econòmics, civils i militars de la Unió Europea per enfrontar qualsevol conflicte.

La política de prevención y gestión de conflictos de la Unión Europea en África Subsahariana: el caso del conflicto de los Grandes Lagos

Tras su inclusión en la Estrategia Europea de Seguridad de la UE del 2003 y en el Tratado constitucional del 2004, se puede considerar que se ha producido la “oficialización” de la política de prevención y gestión de conflictos (PPGC) de la UE en tanto que objetivo principal de la política de seguridad de la Unión. Uno de los campos de actuación de la PPGC ha sido África Subsahariana y, en concreto, el conflicto de los Grandes Lagos que orbita alrededor de la República Democrática del Congo (RDC). Un conflicto en el que a lo largo de más de una década la Unión ha aplicado diversos tipos de instrumentos (civiles y militares) encuadrados dentro de la PPGC. Tras la celebración en diciembre de 2006 de la segunda vuelta de las elecciones presidenciales en dicho país africano (las cuales podrían significar el fin definitivo del conflicto), éste parece un buen momento para analizar la tipología de instrumentos aplicados por la Unión en lo que denominaríamos el “toolbox” de la PPGC, así como para realizar un primer balance sobre los mismos.

The EU as a security provider in its neighbourhood: the case of non-proliferation of WMD in the Mediterranean area

As a consequence of the terrorist attacks of 9/11 and the US-led war against Iraq, WMD and their proliferation have become a central element of the EU security agenda. In December 2003, the European Council adopted even a EU Strategy against Proliferation of WMD. The approach adopted in this Strategy can be largely described as a ‘cooperative security provider’ approach and is based on effective multilateralism, the promotion of a stable international and regional environment and the cooperation with key partners. The principal objective of this paper is to examine in how far the EU has actually implemented the ‘cooperative security provider’ approach in the area which the Non-proliferation Strategy identifies as one of its priorities – the Mediterranean. Focusing on the concept of security interdependence, the paper analyses first the various WMD dangers with which the EU is confronted in the Mediterranean area. Afterwards, it examines how the EU has responded to these hazards in the framework of the Barcelona process and, in particular, the new European Neighbourhood Policy. It is argued that despite its relatively powerful rhetoric, the EU has largely failed, for a wide range of reasons, to apply effectively its non-proliferation approach in the Mediterranean area and, thus, to become a successful security provider.

When ESDP confronts ENP: security sector reform as a bridge in the EU’s foreign policy

The European Neighbourhood Policy’s birth has taken place in parallel with the renewed momentum of the European Security and Defence Policy, which has launched 14 operations since 2003. Both policies’ instruments have converged in the neighbouring area covered by ENP: Georgia, in the East and the Palestinian Territories in the South. In both cases, the Security Sector Reform strategies have been the main focus for ESDP and an important objective for ENP. In this paper, two objectives are pursued: first, to assess the EU’s involvement in both cases in SSR terms; and second, to analyse whether the convergence of ESDP operations with a broader EU neighbourhood policy implies that the former has become an instrument for the a EU external action.

Learning the ropes and embracing the rules: CFSP institutions as arenas for learning and strategic socialisation

The aim of this article is to analyse those situations in which learning and socialisation take place within the context of the Common Foreign and Security Policy (CFSP), in particular, at the level of experts in the Council Working Groups. Learning can explain the institutional development of CFSP and changes in the foreign policies of the Member States. Some scope conditions for learning and channels of institutionalisation are identified. Socialisation, resulting from learning within a group, is perceived as a strategic action by reflective actors. National diplomats, once they arrive in Brussels, learn the new code of conduct of their Working Groups. They are embedded in two environments and faced with two logics: the European one in the Council and the national one in the Ministries of Foreign Affairs (MFA). The empirical evidence supports the argument that neither rational nor sociological approaches alone can account for these processes.

La política europea de España 2005-2006

El presente working paper es la versión española del capítulo escrito por la autora sobre la política europea de España para un anuario alemán sobre construcción europea (W. Weidenfeld y W. Wessels (Hrsg.). Jahrbuch der Europäischen Integration 2005/06, Institut fur Europäische Politik. Europa Union Verlag, en prensa). La autora escribe dicho capítulo para el Jahrbuch regularmente desde el año 1990. Producto de dichos textos es el libro de la autora que lleva por título La política europea de España, Barcelona, Ariel, 1999. En dicho libro se recogen aspectos conceptuales y de análisis en profundidad que sirven de marco al presente texto, cuyas características responden al objetivo de la publicación (alemana) en la que apareció: un anuario de seguimiento de la construcción europea de carácter coyuntural.

EU foreign policy towards Georgia: just for energy?

The paper analyses how the EU foreign policy towards Georgia changed after the Rose Revolution, reaching greater levels of involvement and assistance. It is argued that the pro-western and reformist new government in Georgia triggered a new orientation in the EU foreign policy towards the country based on a logic of appropriateness, that is EU´s values, in addition to energy interests. Comparative analysis in the Southern-Caucasus and other Eastern-European countries shows how reformist and pro-EU governments receive more EU support and assistance. This does not mean that material interest do not play an important role. However, the EU seems to be coherent with its values when regarding the European neighbourhood.