71 resultados para INSURRECCION DEL 9 DE ABRIL DE 1948 - ASPECTOS POLÍTICOS


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S'exposa la relació entre els conceptes d'accés obert i accés universal. A partir dels seus punts de nexe s'argumenta la necessitat de potenciar l'accessibilitat en els dipòsits institucionals d'accés obert per motius legals, de compliment d'objectius i d'ètica professional. Aquesta accessibilitat s'ha de complir tant a nivell d'interfície de consulta com a nivell de continguts. Es fa un breu anàlisi de la situació actual, constatant el baix compliment dels criteris més bàsics d'accessibilitat. Finalment es conclou la presentació amb algunes propostes organitzatives i tècniques per millorar aquesta situació.

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La comunicació científica té en els dipòsits institucionals una de les seves instruments fonamentals. En els últims anys estem observant un ràpid creixement en el nombre de dipòsits i també en el volum dels seus continguts. A la vegada es constata que els esforços s'estan concentrant en incrementar la seva presència i en afavorir el dipòsit de noves obres per part dels seus autors. Pel contrari, es troben a faltar polítiques i accions que prevegin i assegurin la sostenibilitat i la preservació futura dels dipòsits. La comunicació analitzarà la realitat actual, a nivell espanyol i internacional, de les accions a favor de la preservació dels dipòsits institucionals, entre elles: els programaris utilitzats i l'existència de polítiques explícites. Finalment es desenvoluparan els elements mínims que hauria de contenir un pla d'acció per assegurar la sostenibilitat i la preservació futura de qualsevol arxiu.

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El Servei de Biblioteques de la UAB gestiona un dipòsit digital que cobreix les expectatives generades per un dipòsit institucional a la vegada que actua facilitant la consulta de la biblioteca digital pròpia. La naturalesa diversa de les col·leccions, quant a origen i format ens ha obligat a utilitzar eines de gestió específiques per establir els circuits, mètodes i procediments de treball. Volem compartir la nostra experiència, tant a nivell de creació d'un únic dipòsit capaç de gestionar tot el nostre fons digital, com de les opcions de treball intern escollides.

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El objeto del presente artículo es analizar los sistemas políticos y sociales de las cinco repúblicas independientes que constituyen Asia Centra1, tomada como un todo, pero haciendo hincapié cuando sea pertinente en las peculiaridades de cada situación. Dividimos el trabajo en tres grandes partes, relativas respectivamente a la caracterización de los regímenes políticos de estos países, su situación socioeconómica y la orientación de sus relaciones exteriores.

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Political actors use ICTs in a different manner and in different degrees when it comes to achieving a closer relationship between the public and politicians. Usually, political parties develop ICT strategies only for electoral campaigning and therefore restrain ICT usages to providing information and establishing a few channels of communication. By contrast, local governments make much more use of ICT tools for participatory and deliberative purposes. These differences in usages have not been well explained in the literature because of a lack of a comprehensive explanatory model. This chapter seeks to build the basis for this model, that is, to establish which factors affect and condition different political uses of ICTs and which principles underlie that behaviour. We consider that political actors are intentional and their behaviour is mediated by the political institutions and the socioeconomic context of the country. Also, though, the actor¿s own characteristics, such as the type and size of the organization or the model of e-democracy that the actor upholds, can have an influence in launching ICT initiatives for approaching the public.

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For years a literature on the uses that political parties make of information andcommunication technologies (ICTs) has been developed. It is a rapidly increasing, rich,and interesting field in the forefront of the investigation in political science. Generally,these works start from the expectation that the ICTs have a regenerative potential forliberal democracies and for the political parties as well. In developed societies, politicalparties have experienced some transformations that have leaded them to an increasingdivorce with the public. This divorce is shown by the decay of party adscription andmembership, and also by the decay of the conventional political participation. In thetheoretical discussion this situation has been described as ¿the crisis of the democracy¿(Norris, 1999). According to the more radically oriented scholars this crisis reflects theincapacities of liberal democracies. In this sense, ICTs suppose a great opportunity tosurpass the representative institutions and to institutionalize new forms of directdemocracy. More moderate scholars have considered that ICTs offer the opportunity for¿renaissance¿ for representative institutions, as they can reinforce the bonds between thepublic and its representatives.

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This paper presents a first analysis on local electronic participatory experiences in Catalonia. The analysis is based on a database constructed and collected by the authors. The paper carries out an explanatory analysis of local initiatives in eparticipationand off line participation taking into account political variables (usually not considered in this kind of analysis) but also classical socio-economic variables that characterise municipalities. Hence, we add a quantitative analysis to the numerous case studies on local e-participation experiences. We have chosen Catalonia because is one of the European regions with more initiatives and one that has enjoyed considerable local governmental support to citizen participation initiatives since the 80s. The paper offers a characterisation of these experiences and a first explanatory analysis, considering: i) the institutional context in which these experiences are embedded, ii) the characteristics of the citizen participation processes and mechanisms on-line, and iii) a set of explanatory variables composed by the population size, thepolitical adscription of the mayor, the electoral abstention rate, age, income and level ofeducation in the municipality. The model that we present is explanatory for the municipalities with more than 20,000 inhabitants but it is not for the fewer than 20,000inhabitants. Actually, the number of participatory activities developed by these last municipalities is very low. Among all the variables, population size becomes the mostinfluential variable. Political variables such as political party of the mayor and the localabstention rate have a certain influence but that have to be controlled by population size.