What lies behind the devaluation of educational credentials?

Applying fixed-effects models to EULFS data on Spain from 1998 to2006, the paper explores the effects of educational expansion on theoccupational returns to education across different levels of education.We build an indicator of the positional value of education, based on theidea that the value of a given educational credential partly depends onthe percentage of labour market entrants who have reached that level atthe time when individuals enter the labour market -- it is higher whenfewer individuals have reached it, lower otherwise. Our analysis for theSpanish case shows that the decrease in the occupational returns toeducation goes in parallel with the decrease in the positional value ofeducation, but this devaluation of credentials has been stronger ingeneral education (e.g., in humanities or social sciences universitydegrees, or in upper secondary general education) than in specializededucation (e.g., in technical fields in the university, or in uppervocational training). We argue that the reason for this is most likely thatgeneral education provides a more diffuse signal of candidates’ skillsthan specialized education. We also find that this devaluation ofcredentials has been stronger in fields accessed by women in largernumbers in last decades.

Temporary employment in advanced economies: drawing lessons from Spain

This study analyses the determinants of the rate of temporary employment in various OECD countries using both macro-level data drawn from the OECD and EUROSTAT databases, as well as micro-level data drawn from the 8th wave of the European Household Panel. Comparative analysis is set out to test different explanations originally formulated for the Spanish case. The evidence suggests that the overall distribution of temporary employment in advanced economies does not seem to be explicable by the characteristics of national productive structures. This evidence seems at odds with previous interpretations based on segmentation theories. As an alternative explanation, two types of supply-side factors are tested: crowding-out effects and educational gaps in the workforce. The former seems non significant, whilst the effects of the latter disappear after controlling for the levels of institutional protection in standard employment during the 1980s. Multivariate analysis shows that only this latter institutional variable, together with the degree of coordinated centralisation of the collective bargaining system, seem to have a significant impact on the distribution of temporary employment in the countries examined. On the basis of this observation, an explanation of the very high levels of temporary employment observed in Spain is proposed. This explanation is consistent with both country-specific and comparative evidence.

Discourse, knowledge, power and politics: towards critical epistemic discourse analysis

Although both are fundamental terms in the humanities and social sciences, discourse and knowledge have seldom been explicitly related, and even less so in critical discourse studies. After a brief summary of what we know about these relationships in linguistics, psychology, epistemology and the social sciences, with special emphasis on the role of knowledge in the formation of mental models as a basis for discourse, I examine in more detail how a critical study of discourse and knowledge may be articulated in critical discourse studies. Thus, several areas of critical epistemic discourse analysis are identified, and then applied in a study of Tony Blair’s Iraq speech on March 18, 2003, in which he sought to legitimatize his decision to go to war in Iraq with George Bush. The analysis shows the various modes of how knowledge is managed and manipulated of all levels of discourse of this speech.

Gendered networks and Mexican migration

In this paper, we investigate how the gendered origin of migrant networks (i.e. matrilineal vs. patrilineal) is associated with aspirations to migrate and subsequent migration behavior. Using longitudinal data from the Mexican Family Life Survey (MxFLS), we follow 3,923 married couples across 139 municipalities over the 2002-2005 period. We find that the networks of both the individual and her/his spouse are associated with aspiring to migrate to the United States. However, one’s own network matters most (i.e. matrilineal networks for women and patrilineal networks for men). On the other hand, in terms of behavior, only matrilineal networks predict a subsequent move to the U.S. for men and women/couples, who are assessed jointly. These findings suggest that our understanding of the role of migrant networks in perpetuating male-centered, labor migration does not necessarily translate once a union has formed. We make the case that future work would do well to account for not only the presence and composition of networks, but also their origin, which in certain circumstances may be the most relevant factor.

Temporary and circular labour migration : reassessing established public policies

Today, Temporary Labour Migration is a fundamental course of action promoted by relevant economic and political agents, such as EC, the GCIM, or the OECD. Based on a specific empirical case study of Temporary and Circular Labour Migration in the Catalonian agrarian sector, which has been distinguished as a particularly successful formula, we identify a new area of interest: the emergence of a new empirical migrant category, the Circular Labour Migrant, which remains theoretically unnamed and lacks public recognition. We argue that, until now, there have been two historical phases regarding temporary labour migration: one of total deregulation and another of partial regulation, led by private actors with support from public institutions, and featuring circularity. IN a developed Welfare State context, it would be normatively pertinent to except a step towards a third phase, one involving the institutionalization of this new mobility category through the elaboration of a public policy.

The externalisation of the asylum function in the European Union

This paper aims to identify and assess the main items in the strategy followed by the EU and its member states on the externalisation of their asylum function. First, it analyses the European harmonisation of the return to safe third countries and to countries of first asylum, which is carried out by means of readmission agreements. Second, it refers to the strategies defined by the Hague and the Stockholm programs concerning the External Aspects of the European Union Asylum Policy, on the detention centres for illegal immigrants abroad, and on the proposals for delocalisation of asylum applications processing centres beyond the EU borders. Finally, this paper considers whether the strategy of externalisation of the function of asylum sometimes lacks legitimacy, and to what extent there is a fair balance between the interests of the states and the protection of the human rights of refugees and asylum seekers.

Immigration controls and the erosion of popular sovereignty

The idea that immigration controls in Western developed states are a response to popular pressure is axiomatic in the academic literature on migration. In the academic literature and in policy circles it is also commonplace to hear that migration is eroding the sovereignty of states. This article challenges both of these ideas. We argue that both of these ideas overlook or ignore the erosion of popular sovereignty from within states. We argue that engaging with, rather than evading, public debate on migration can potentially help to reinvigorate popular sovereignty.

"¡Mezquita No!: the origins of mosque opposition in Spain

This paper examines why mosque opposition has been more frequent in Catalonia than in other Spanish regions. A comparison is conducted between the metropolitan areas of Barcelona, where opposition has been most prevalent, and Madrid, where it has been strikingly absent. A relational approach is employed to highlight the factors in Barcelona that have complicated the reception of mosques and the populations they serve. These factors include pronounced socio-spatial divisions and a lack of confidence in the state's commitment to managing the challenges that accompany immigration. The prevalence of these factors in Barcelona has resulted in the integration of mosque debates into more general struggles over urban privilege and state recognition, explaining the high degree of opposition. These findings highlight the importance of studying conflicts related to religious and cultural diversification in context, as such conflicts are inextricably linked to the lived spaces and local structures in which they develop.

Prioridades estratégicas en salud laboral desde el punto de vista de los profesionales. Aportaciones para la elaboración de la Estrategia Española en materia de Salud y Seguridad en el Trabajo.

El objetivo del presente estudio es elaborar propuestas para la mejora delsistema preventivo, basadas en criterios profesionales, con la pretensión derealizar una aportación a la Estrategia Española en materia de Salud y Seguridaden el Trabajo desde el ámbito científico-técnico. Para ello se ha llevado a caboun proceso interactivo de consulta en dos etapas siguiendo el método Delphi, enel que han participado 181 profesionales. El cuestionario que se ha utilizadocontenía 82 propuestas, recopiladas a partir de grupos de expertos previamenteconstituidos. El objetivo estratégico que ha obtenido un mayor respaldo ha sidoel de fomentar el compromiso y la responsabilidad empresarial en materia deprevención. Las principales acciones de mejora acordadas se refieren aintervenciones sobre problemáticas de riesgo específicas como lasubcontratación, a mejoras en el conocimiento sobre las enfermedadesprofesionales y a la evaluación de la calidad de los servicios de prevención.

Informe sobre la calidad de los servicios de prevención en España

El Informe sobre la calidad de los Servicios de Prevención en España es el resultado de un proyecto que el Observatorio de Salud Laboral impulsó en el año 2006 para abordar, desde una óptica de calidad, la actividad desarrollada por los Servicios de Prevención en España, con la intención de que el propio proceso de evaluación genere un mayor interés por la calidad y la predisposición favorable a introducir mejoras. El Informe pretende aportar conceptos, herramientas e informaciones que faciliten y promuevan la toma de decisiones para mejorar la calidad de los Servicios de Prevención en España.

Informe de Salud Laboral. España, 2006

El objetivo principal de este Informe de Salud Laboral, España 2006, esayudar a definir y evaluar las políticas en seguridad y salud en el trabajo ennuestro país. Para ello, con la mejor información disponible, se ha descrito elcontexto sociolaboral en el que se insertan las condiciones de trabajo, así comolos principales daños a la salud, fundamentalmente las lesiones, relacionadas conestas condiciones de trabajo.Entre sus resultados destaca que aunque las muertes por lesionestraumáticas por accidentes de trabajo producidas in itínere o en desplazamientodisminuyen entre 1994 y 2004, como también se observa en las que ocurren enlos centros de trabajo, esta disminución no es tan pronunciada. Asimismo, elriesgo de morir por un accidente de trabajo se concentra de manera particularen las Comunidades Autónomas del noroeste de España.

Tractament lexicogràfic dels adjectius: aspectes a considerar

La informació gramatical més habitual de les entrades en un diccionari es basa quasi exclusivament en consignar la categoria sintàctica dels mots. Aquest plantejament suposa una parcel·lació massa vaga de les unitats lingüístiques, atès que en l'ús i la combinació entre elles hi entren en joc altres característiques, les quals porten a subclassificacions més precises a l'interior de les categories gramaticals. Un plantejament lexicogràfic que presenti un tractament detallat de les categories quant a les seves subclasses possibles és, a més d'útil en l'elaboració de diccionaris per a parlants de llengua estrangera, necessari també en diccionaris per a parlants natius de la llengua si, tal com és de suposar, l'ús que s'espera d'un diccionari va més enllà de la simple consulta del significat dels mots.En aquest article s'analitzen alguns dels punts que cal que els diccionaris tinguin en compte per a la descripció de l'ús real dels adjectius, es revisa quin és el tractament que reben en el diccionari pres com a font de referència (Diccionari de la Llengua Catalana (1994), d'Enciclopèdia Catalana) i s'esbossa una proposta de tractament per poder donar compte d'aquests aspectes. L'interès recau tant en qüestions d'ordre superficial dels constituents (la posició típica de les unitats), com aspectes sintàctics (la capacitat predicativa dels elements, la subcategorització de complements), així com també aspectes de tipus semàntic (la relació entre les denotacions de l'adjectiu i el substantiu, la facultat de graduabilitat dels adjectius).

Capital cities of federations. On the way to analysing the normative base of their asymmetrical status

Federal Capitals often have special statutes. Compared with member states, they often enjoy a lower degree of self-government and a lesser share in the governing of the federation. Why do actors choose such devices, and how can they be justified in a liberal democracy? Surprisingly, the burgeoning literature on asymmetric federalism (to which our research group has contributed significantly) has overlooked this important feature of a de iure asymmetry, perhaps because political theory up to now has concentrated on cases of multicultural and plurinational federations. However, comparative literature is also rare. This paper is the first step to filling in this gap by comparing some federal capitals. The Federal District model (Washington) is compared to capitals organized as member-states (Berlin and Brussels), and capitals that are cities belonging to a single member state (Ottawa in Ontario). The different features of de iure asymmetry will thereby be highlighted. Some light will be shed on the possible motives, reasons and justifications for the choice of each respective status. The paper opens the door to further research on such status questions by analysing public and parliamentary debates, for example. It paves the way for more thorough research. Sicne the author has been awarded a grant by the Institut d’Estudis Autonòmics, this research will be carried out soon.

When federalism is not enough? Paths to cooperation in Federal democracies

This paper explores an overlooked issue in the literature on federations and federalism: the relationship between federalism and democracy. Starting from the assumption that federalism per se is not enough to guarantee cooperative intergovernmental dynamics between different levels of governments, this article analyzes how democracy reinforces cooperative intergovernmental relations under a federal design. Drawing from empirical evidence of federations in the making – Brazil, India, Malaysia, Mexico, South Africa and Spain – this article shows that in countries where the federal design was built under democratization, namely Brazil, Spain and South Africa, intergovernmental dynamics evolved under an increasingly cooperative mode of interaction.

Educational policy in Spain - a federal illusion?

Education and health policy are two of the public policies, which in Spain have been assigned to the Autonomous Communities (AC). This transfer of powers could be considered a proof for the strong “self-rule” of the AC, which in turn shows that Spain could be classified as a federal state. In the following analysis the authors in some parts disagree with that conclusion, showing that considering the education area Spain is “heavy at the top”. Due to the state’s exclusive power to regulate the basic conditions guaranteeing the equality of all Spanish citizens, the important and final decisions are taken at the center through the framework legislation. The AC play a minor role in the legislation process, they have to adopt the center decisions. De-centralization and extension of the framework legislation are highly connected: The central state reacted with strong framework legislation to the stages of the educational decentralization process. In addition, the concentration of important framing powers within the central state does not make educational reforms more infrequent. However, such reforms are the results of a competition between the parties, and not between the AC or between the AC and the central state