61 resultados para democracy, government, politics


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We propose a theoretical model to explain empirical regularities related to the curse of natural resources. This is an explicitly political model which emphasizes the behavior and incentives of politicians. We extend the standard voting model to give voters political control beyond the elections. This gives rise to a new restriction into our political economy model: policies should not give rise to a revolution. Our model clarifies when resource discoveries might lead to revolutions, namely, in countries with weak institutions. Natural resources may be bad for democracy by harming political turnover. Our model also suggests a non-linear dependence of human capital on natural resources. For low levels of democracy human capital depends negatively on natural resources, while for high levels of democracy the dependence is reversed. This theoretical finding is corroborated in both cross section and panel data regressions.

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El projecte de recerca s'ha basat en el projecte Miquel Martí i Pol, que ha consistit en la creació i manteniment d'un jardí dedicat a la memòria del poeta, amb persones en situació d'exclusió social (per motius de malaltia mental, immigració, pobresa) i estudiants de teràpia ocupacional de la Universitat de Vic, des d'una sinergia única entre la Universitat de Vic i institucions públiques, socials i empresarials. La recerca ve a cobrir la falta de coneixement sobre l'impacte terapèutic de la jardineria, com afirmava Sempik al 2003. Així mateix, genera coneixements sobre l'ocupació humana, la ciutadania, les comunitats inclusives, les aliances estratègiques i sobre noves praxis educatives en el marc del nou Espai Europeu d'Educació Superior (EEES). El marc teòric s'ha basat en una visió transdisciplinària, des de l'educació, la filosofia, la psicologia, la sociologia, la teràpia ocupacional, la política, l'ecologia i l'antropologia. S'ha desenvolupat una recerca inspirada per la investigació acció participativa que ha aprofundit en el significat que ha tingut aquesta experiència per a les persones implicades en el procés de creació del jardí: les persones procedents de col•lectius en situació d'exclusió, els estudiants, així com els representants de les institucions públiques, socials, empresarials i la pròpia Universitat de Vic. Així es van desenvolupar una sèrie d'entrevistes a fons i formularis amb 5 jardiners; 2 estudiants; la Consellera d'Acció Social de l'Ajuntament de Vic; el Conseller d'Acció Social del Consell Comarcal d'Osona; el President de Caritas; la terapeuta ocupacional de la Fundació Centre Mèdic Psicopedagògic d'Osona; la Rectora de la Universitat de Vic; la Directora de l'EUCS i el President del Rotary Club. Els temes que han sorgit en la recerca són: La construcció de l'ocupació significativa; la jardineria com a font de benestar; un espai de bellesa; la dignitat de la ciutadania; la creació de comunitats inclusives; una Universitat al servei de la Humanitat: noves praxis educatives; l'art de les aliances estratègiques i de les sinergies. Els coneixements generats tenen relació amb els estudis de teràpia ocupacional, així com per a educació social, infermeria, psicologia i ciències ambientals. A més a més són una aposta per al desenvolupament de noves praxis educatives en el nou EEES. El treball ha estat qualificat com a excel•lent per unanimitat del tribunal.

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Paper given at the Institut de Ciències Polítiques i Socials, Barcelona in 1995 analysing the relationship between politics, the Olympic Games and the Olympic Movement and their influences.

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This paper describes the implications for Marxist thought of the work of Daron Acemoglu and James Robinson. In the first two periods of this they explained how the rise of democracy brought prosperity to Europe  and why the same process had not worked in Latin America because of the possibility of coups. The implication is that mass poverty can better be alleviated by safeguarding democracy rather than moving to socialism. In the last period A and R have formalized doubts about the efficacy of democracy in this role. The implication here is that Marxists should work to find a system of government that is immune to elite dominance. Hugo Chávez is taken as an example.

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This paper analyses how fiscal adjustment comes about when both central and sub-national governments are involved in consolidation. We test sustainability of public debt with a fiscal rule for both the federal and regional government. Results for the German Länder show that lower tier governments bear a relatively smaller part of the burden of debt consolidation, if they consolidate at all. Most of the fiscal adjustment occurs via central government debt. In contrast, both the US federal and state levels contribute to consolidation of public finances.

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This paper studies a model of announcements by a privately informed government about the future state of the economic activity in an economy subject to recurrent shocks and with distortions due to income taxation. Although transparent communication would ex ante be desirable, we find that even a benevolent government may ex-post be non-informative, in an attempt to countervail the tax distortion with a "second best" compensating distortion in information. This result provides a rationale for independent national statistical offices, committed to truthful communication. We also find that whether inequality in income distribution favors or harms government transparency depends on labor supply elasticity.

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Treball de recerca realitzat per un alumne d'ensenyament secundari i guardonat amb un Premi CIRIT per fomentar l'esperit cientí­fic del Jovent l'any 2009. 'El Giravolt de la Família Robafaves' és un treball de recerca que engloba tota la història del fet geganter a Mataró des dels seus orígens fins a l'actualitat. Es tracta d'una activitat amb una dimensió cultural, folklòrica i històrica que ha servit per donar respostes a molts dels interrogants promulgats abans de dur a terme aquest projecte. Aquesta família de Gegants ha estat víctima de molts dels entrebancs vigents al llarg de la història així com guerres, revoltes, dictadures, etc. De manera que s'ha pogut comprovar com la política interior i exterior ha afectat a la Família Robafaves d'una manera directa. S'ha fet una investigació a través de les revistes publicades durant la transició democràtica. També cal dir que, s'ha tingut el recolzament d'entrevistes fetes a persones puntals en la història dels Gegants com ara geganters, Caps de Colla, la primera gegantera de la Família Robafaves, etc. Per poder corroborar la base teòrica i documental d'aquest treball s'ha fet un estudi estadístic de la significació social de la Festa Major de Mataró per poder valorar en quina situació es troba actualment. Així doncs, s'ha pogut valorar la influència i importància que tenen els Gegants per Mataró.

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Treball de recerca realitzat per alumnes d'ensenyament secundari i guardonat amb un Premi CIRIT per fomentar l'esperit científic del Jovent l'any 2009. La hipòtesi plantejada ha estat si els joves estan més conscienciats que la gent gran en el reciclatge. Per tal de demostrar aquesta hipòtesi s’ha investigat sobre el procés que segueixen els diferents tipus de residus i les diferents estratègies que s'han de seguir per reciclar. Després de buscar informació sobre l'evolució del reciclatge a Cerdanyola es va elaborar un model d'enquesta per saber els diferents hàbits de reciclatge i es van comparar segons les diferents franges d'edat. Aquestes enquestes també van proporcionar informació sobre els problemes que tenen els ciutadans amb el servei de reciclatge a Cerdanyola. Posteriorment es va visitar la deixalleria de la ciutat i es va realitzar una entrevista a l'encarregat d'aquesta. Finalment, cal destacar tota la informació proporcionada per l'alcalde de Cerdanyola sobre la política mediambiental que té el govern local. La hipòtesi contrastada ha resultat certa.

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In this paper, we investigate the agency costs of government ownership and their impact on corporate governance and firm value. China is used as a laboratory because of the prevalent state shareholdings in exchange-listed firms. In this context, we specifically consider the trade-offs involved in the voluntary formation of an audit committee when the controlling shareholder is the state. The decision to improve corporate governance (in this case, introduce an audit committee) is shown to be value relevant and a function of existing agency relationships and non-trivial implementation costs. Our findings are robust to the level of pyramid groups, the ownership-control wedge, and financial leverage. The research adds to the debate regarding the effect of government shareholdings on corporate culture and performance - a topic that hastaken on renewed importance in recent times.

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Over the last few years, ther has been a devolutionary tendency in many developed and developing countries. In this article we propose a methodology to decompose whether the benefits in terms of effciency derived from transfers of powers from higher to municipal levels of government "the "economic dividend" of devolution) might increase over time. This methodology is based on linear programming approaches for effciency measurement. We provide anapplication to Spanish municipalities, which have had to adapt to both the European Stability and Growth Pact as well as to domestic regulation seeking local governments balanced budget. Results indicate that efficiency gains from enhaced decentralization have increased over time. However, the way through which these gains accrue differs across municipalities -in some cases technical change is the main component, whereas in others catching up dominates.

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This text aims at showing the history of indigenous peoples’ mobilization in Colombia, the effects that it has brought about on Colombian democracy and political system, and the state’s reactions to their claims and actions. It will show how they have moved from class-based claims to a politics where identity claims have been central in their agenda and part of their strategies to negotiate with the state. It will also show the existing constitutional and legal framework that recognizes the rights of indigenous peoples, despite the context of persecution, murder, and forced displacement.

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The dilemma efficiency versus equity, together with political partisan interests, has received increasing attention to explain the territorial allocation of investments. However, centralization intended to introduce or reinforce hierarchization in the political system has not been object as of now of empirical analysis. Our main contribution to the literature is providing evidence that meta-political objectives related to the ordering of political power and administration influence regional investment. In this way, we find evidence that network mode’s (roads and railways) investment programs are influenced by the centralization strategy of investing near to the political capital, while investment effort in no-network modes (airports and ports) appears to be positively related to distance. Since investment in surface transportation infrastructures is much higher than that in airports and ports, and taken into account that regions surrounding the political capital are poorer than the average, we suggest that centralization rather than redistribution has been the driver for the concentration of public investment on these regions.

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This paper contrasts the incentives for cronyism in business, the public sector and politics within an agency problem model with moral hazard. The analysis is focused on the institutional differences between private, public and political organizations. In business, when facing a residual claimant contract, a chief manager ends up with a relatively moderate …rst-best level of cronyism within a …firm. The institutional framework of the public sector does not allow explicit contracting, which leads to a more severe cronyism problem within public organizations. Finally, it is shown that the nature of political appointments (such that the subordinate's reappointment is conditioned on the chief's re-election) together with implicit contracting makes political cronyism the most extreme case. JEL classifi…cation: D72, D73, D86. Keywords: Cronyism; Meritocracy; Manager; Bureaucrat; Politician.

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We study the effects of government spending by using a structural, large dimensional, dynamic factor model. We find that the government spending shock is non-fundamental for the variables commonly used in the structural VAR literature, so that its impulse response functions cannot be consistently estimated by means of a VAR. Government spending raises both consumption and investment, with no evidence of crowding out. The impact multiplier is 1.7 and the long run multiplier is 0.6.

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This paper analyzes the behavior of the tax revenue to output ratio over the business cycle. In order to replicate the empirical evidence, we develop a simple model combining the standard Ak growth model with the tax evasion phenomenon. When individuals conceal part of their true income from the tax authority, they face the risk of being audited and hence of paying the corresponding fine. Under the empirically plausible assumptions that the intertemporal elasticity of substitution exhibits a sufficiently small value and that productivity shocks are serially correlated, we show that the elasticity of government revenue with respect to output is larger than one, which agrees with the empirical evidence. This result holds even if the tax system displays flat tax rates. We extend the previous setup to generate larger fiscal deficits when the economy experiences a recession.