110 resultados para Youth -- Government policy -- Catalonia -- Caldes de Malavella


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[spa] En este trabajo se analizan los efectos sobre la movilidad geográfica de una política pública (SIPTEA) que aumenta la protección por desempleo en Extremadura y Andalucía. Utilizando la discontinuidad geográfica en la política estudiada y datos de los Censos de Población de 1981 y 1991 a nivel municipal, se estima el efecto de SIPTEA en el crecimiento de la población y en las probabilidades de emigrar e inmigrar en áreas rurales que experimentan elevadas tasas de paro y de emigración. Los resultados del trabajo indican que la política mitigó estas pérdidas de población aunque los efectos son cuantitativamente moderados. También se exploran los efectos de dicha política en el ámbito laboral, encontrándose un incremento de la tasa del desempleo asociado a la implementación de la política de entre 10 y 13 puntos porcentuales.

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El examen de una normativa para mejorar la información al consumidor plantea observaciones pragmáticas sobre buenas prácticas textuales. La orden 385/2003 de la Generalitat de Catalunya establece el tamaño mínimo de la letra en contratos para facilitar su legibilidad. La interpretación de esta normativa permite considerar el uso pragmático de la letra pequeña. Y se recoge también el ejemplo publicitario de una empresa energética que paradójicamente utiliza, en la actualidad, como recurso de prestigio la letra pequeña en documentos contractuales. GOOD TEXTUAL PRACTICES AND INTERPRETABILITY OF THE FINE PRINT IN CONTRACTS. The review of legislation to improve consumer information raises pragmatic observations on textual practices. The order 385/2003 of the Autonomous Government of Catalonia (Spain) sets the minimum font size in contracts for readability. The interpretation of these rules allows us to consider the pragmatic use of the fine print. And the paper also includes advertising from an energy company that paradoxically used as a resource for prestige the fine print in contract documents.

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La indústria ha tingut, i té encara, un paper clau en la vertebració de l"economia catalana i en la generació d"efectes multiplicadors que faciliten el desenvolupament de la resta d"activitats i el benestar de la societat. Actualment, i més enllà de la crisi econòmica i financera global, s"està generant un nou model industrial d"àmbit internacional caracteritzat per importants canvis en la naturalesa i la dinàmica dels mercats i en les estratègies de les empreses, per la internacionalització dels processos de producció i la seva repercussió sobre l"organització de les empreses i per la creixent importància dels processos d"innovació.

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La presente investigación analiza la influencia del territorio (el barrio) sobre la configuración y desarrollo de lostrayectos juveniles -especialmente en las dimensiones formativas, laborales y uso del tiempo libre-, al mismotiempo que tiene en cuenta la ciudad y el impacto de las instituciones sociales ubicadas en el barrio. La preguntade investigación entorno a la cual gira el presente trabajo es si vivir en un barrio desfavorecido influye en eldesarrollo personal, laboral y social de los jóvenes (de entre 16 y 24 años) que residen en él. Se pretendecomprender el efecto barrio haciendo hincapié en: cómo influye el barrio, sobre qué aspectos de la configuraciónde los trayectos juveniles lo hace, y qué relación mantiene con la vulnerabilidad a la exclusión social juvenil. Paraabordar estos objetivos, hemos desarrollado una metodología variada, la cual combina el análisis cuantitativo–mediante el uso de datos censales y del padrón municipal -, el análisis cualitativo –a partir de la recogida deinformación (sentimientos, percepciones….) a través de instrumentos cualitativos como de la entrevista semiestructuradatemática y oral, la entrevista estructurada temática y escrita –y, el análisis comparativo entreciudades (Barcelona y Milán), barrios (Trinitat Nova, Ciutat Meridiana, Comasina y Sant’Ambrogio) y jóvenes.

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Quan analitzo els continguts dels graus francesos o alemanys, diferents entre ells, m'adono de la gran diferència entre els seus i el nostre. Algú podrà dir que adaptar el model al que tenen els nostres companys de la Unió Europea seria degradar la universitat. No és cert, seria adaptar la universitat al que avui demana la societat. La universitat no és una escola de formació professional, però ha de preparar milers de ciutadans per incorporar-se com a professionals a la societat. Ho ha de fer formant també investigadors

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Tot i que Catalunya és atractiva per fer-hi estudis superiors, només atraurem estudiants per la qualitat de les nostres universitats i per l'atractiu i la geografia de Barcelona. Si comparem les universitats de Catalunya i Escòcia, haurem de recordar que la Universitat d'Edimburg està entre les 50 millors del món. D'altra banda, a Escòcia es viu en anglès. Catalunya no atraurà tots aquells candidats que es mouen per estudiar en anglès

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El estudio se ha llevado a cabo de acuerdo con el Contrato de prestación de serviciosfirmado entre la Fundación ONCE y la Fundació Bosch i Gimpera (Universidadde Barcelona) con fecha 23 de julio de 2012. Este Contrato se enmarca en el ProgramaOperativo de “Lucha contra la Discriminación 2007-2013”, cofinanciado por elFondo Social Europeo (FSE).

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A partir del análisis de la red de actores (policy network) y de la teoría del equilibrio interrumpido desarrollado por Baumgartner y Jones (1993), en este trabajo se analiza el caso de la política de cooperación al desarrollo de España desde la transición democrática hasta el presente. El objetivo es analizar la continuidad y cambio de esta política desde la perspectiva del análisis de las políticas públicas. Se demuestra que, al igual que en otros casos, la estabilidad más que el cambio caracteriza su evolución. Al mismo tiempo, se señala que las características propias del subsistema político de la cooperación al desarrollo afectan la magnitud y la frecuencia de los cambios en la política.

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The present paper analyses the link between firms’ decisions to innovate and the barriers that prevent them from being innovative. The aim is twofold. First, it analyses three groups of barriers to innovation: the cost of innovation projects, lack of knowledge and market conditions. Second, it presents the main steps taken by Catalan Government to promote the creation of new firms and to reduce barriers to innovation. The data set used is based on the 2004 official innovation survey of Catalonia which was taken from the Spanish CIS-4 sample. This sample includes individual information on 2,954 Catalan firms in manufacturing industries and knowledge-intensive services (KIS). The empirical analysis reveals pronounced differences regarding a firm’s propensity to innovate and its perception of barriers. Moreover, the results show that cost and knowledge barriers seem to be the most important and that there are substantial sectoral differences in the way that firms react to barriers. The results of this paper have important implications for the design of future public policy to promote entrepreneurship and innovation together.

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This article is the result of an ongoing research into a variety of features of Spanish local government. It aims, in particular, at providing a profile of the tools implemented by local authorities to improve local democracy in Catalonia. The main hypothesis of the work is that, even though the Spanish local model is constrained by a shared and unique set of legal regulations, local institutions in Catalonia have developed their own model of local participation. And the range of instruments like these is still now increasing. More specifically, the scope of this research is twofold. On the one hand, different types of instruments for public deliberation in the Catalan local administration system are identified and presented, based on the place they take in the policy cycle. On the other hand, we focus on policy domains and the quality of the decision-making processes. Researching the stability of the participation tools or whether local democracy prefers more 'ad hoc' processes allows us to analyze the boundaries/limits of local democracy in Catalonia. The main idea underlying this paper is that, despite the existence of a single legal model regulating municipalities in Catalonia, local authorities tend to use their legally granted selfmanagement capacities to design their own instruments which end up presenting perceivable distinct features, stressing democracy in different policy domains, and in diverse policy cycles. Therefore, this paper is intended to identify such models and to provide factors (variables) so that an explanatory model can be built.

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Background: As a result of the growing number of interventions that are now performed in the context of maternity care, health authorities have begun to examine the possible repercussions for service provision and for maternal and neonatal health. In Spain the Strategy Paper on Normal Childbirth was published in 2008, and since then the authorities in Catalonia have sought to implement its recommendations. This paper reviews the current provision of maternity care in Catalonia. Methods: This was a descriptive study. Hospitals were grouped according to their source of funding (public or private) and were stratified (across four strata) on the basis of the annual number of births recorded within their respective maternity service. Data regarding the distribution of obstetric professionals were taken from an official government survey of hospitals published in 2010. The data on obstetric interventions (caesarean, use of forceps, vacuum or non-specified instruments) performed in 2007, 2010 and 2012 were obtained by consulting discharge records of 44 public and 20 private hospitals, which together provide care in 98% of all births in Catalonia. Proportions and confidence intervals were calculated for each intervention performed in all full-term (3742 weeks) singleton births. Results: Analysis of staff profiles according to the stratification of hospitals showed that almost all the hospitals had more obstetricians than midwives among their maternity care staff. Public hospitals performed fewer caesareans [range between 19.20% (CI 18.84-19.55) and 28.14% (CI 27.73-28.54)] than did private hospitals [range between 32.21% (CI 31.78-32.63) and 39.43% (CI 38.98-39.87)]. The use of forceps has decreased in public hospitals. The use of a vacuum extractor has increased and is more common in private hospitals. Conclusions: Caesarean section is the most common obstetric intervention performed during full-term singleton births in Catalonia. The observed trend is stable in the group of public hospitals, but shows signs of a rise among private institutions. The number of caesareans performed in accredited public hospitals covers a limited range with a stable trend. Among public hospitals the highest rate of caesareans is found in non-accredited hospitals with a lower annual number of births.

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Background: As a result of the growing number of interventions that are now performed in the context of maternity care, health authorities have begun to examine the possible repercussions for service provision and for maternal and neonatal health. In Spain the Strategy Paper on Normal Childbirth was published in 2008, and since then the authorities in Catalonia have sought to implement its recommendations. This paper reviews the current provision of maternity care in Catalonia. Methods: This was a descriptive study. Hospitals were grouped according to their source of funding (public or private) and were stratified (across four strata) on the basis of the annual number of births recorded within their respective maternity service. Data regarding the distribution of obstetric professionals were taken from an official government survey of hospitals published in 2010. The data on obstetric interventions (caesarean, use of forceps, vacuum or non-specified instruments) performed in 2007, 2010 and 2012 were obtained by consulting discharge records of 44 public and 20 private hospitals, which together provide care in 98% of all births in Catalonia. Proportions and confidence intervals were calculated for each intervention performed in all full-term (3742 weeks) singleton births. Results: Analysis of staff profiles according to the stratification of hospitals showed that almost all the hospitals had more obstetricians than midwives among their maternity care staff. Public hospitals performed fewer caesareans [range between 19.20% (CI 18.84-19.55) and 28.14% (CI 27.73-28.54)] than did private hospitals [range between 32.21% (CI 31.78-32.63) and 39.43% (CI 38.98-39.87)]. The use of forceps has decreased in public hospitals. The use of a vacuum extractor has increased and is more common in private hospitals. Conclusions: Caesarean section is the most common obstetric intervention performed during full-term singleton births in Catalonia. The observed trend is stable in the group of public hospitals, but shows signs of a rise among private institutions. The number of caesareans performed in accredited public hospitals covers a limited range with a stable trend. Among public hospitals the highest rate of caesareans is found in non-accredited hospitals with a lower annual number of births.

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This article presents a formal model of policy decision-making in an institutional framework of separation of powers in which the main actors are pivotal political parties with voting discipline. The basic model previously developed from pivotal politics theory for the analysis of the United States lawmaking is here modified to account for policy outcomes and institutional performances in other presidential regimes, especially in Latin America. Legislators' party indiscipline at voting and multi-partism appear as favorable conditions to reduce the size of the equilibrium set containing collectively inefficient outcomes, while a two-party system with strong party discipline is most prone to produce 'gridlock', that is, stability of socially inefficient policies. The article provides a framework for analysis which can induce significant revisions of empirical data, especially regarding the effects of situations of (newly defined) unified and divided government, different decision rules, the number of parties and their discipline. These implications should be testable and may inspire future analytical and empirical work.

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This article presents a formal model of policy decision-making in an institutional framework of separation of powers in which the main actors are pivotal political parties with voting discipline. The basic model previously developed from pivotal politics theory for the analysis of the United States lawmaking is here modified to account for policy outcomes and institutional performances in other presidential regimes, especially in Latin America. Legislators' party indiscipline at voting and multi-partism appear as favorable conditions to reduce the size of the equilibrium set containing collectively inefficient outcomes, while a two-party system with strong party discipline is most prone to produce 'gridlock', that is, stability of socially inefficient policies. The article provides a framework for analysis which can induce significant revisions of empirical data, especially regarding the effects of situations of (newly defined) unified and divided government, different decision rules, the number of parties and their discipline. These implications should be testable and may inspire future analytical and empirical work.