Acoustic properties of polypropylene composites reinforced with stone groundwood

Currently, acoustic isolation is one of the problems raised with building construction in Spain. The publication of the Basic Document for the protection against noise of the Technical Building Code has increased the demand of comfort for citizens. This has created the need to seek new composite materials that meet the new required acoustical building codes. In this paper we report the results of the newly developed composites that are able to improve the acoustic isolation of airborne noise. These composites were prepared from polypropylene (PP) reinforced with mechanical pulp fibers from softwood (Pinus radiata). Mechanical and acoustical properties of the composites from mechanical pulp (MP) and polypropylene (PP) have been investigated and compared to fiberglass (FG) composites. MP composites had lower tensile properties compared with FG composites, although these properties can be improved by incorporation of a coupling agent. The results of acoustical properties of MP composites were reported and compared with the conventional composites based on fiberglass and gypsum plasterboards. Finally, we suggest the application of MP composites as a light-weight building material to reduce acoustic transmitions

Violència, religió i la ciutat: els significats de la política liberal dels anys vint i trenta del segle XIX

Estudi realitzat a partir d’una estada a l’Institut Desenvolupat a School of Comparative American Studies adscrit a la University of Warwick, Regne Unit, entre 2011 i 2012. Aquest projecte analitza en primer lloc la mobilització popular del primer liberalisme i la formació de les primeres organitzacions polítiques liberals que es constituïren a partir de les societats secretes i es propagaren a través dels principals centres de sociabilitat liberal: les societats patriòtiques. En segon lloc mitjançant l’estudi de la mobilitat dels liberals entre l’Espanya metropolitana i el virregnat de Nueva Espanya demostra com es dibuixà un nou model polític basat en el federalisme. El tercer aspecte d’anàlisi és com els exiliats catalans a Anglaterra reberen el suport de la Foreign Bible Society perquè havia mantingut contactes des dels primers anys vint amb l’alt clergat espanyol. El darrer aspecte de la recerca abasta l’estudi de l’espai urbà en relació amb les pràctiques polítiques dels ciutadans a partir de l’anàlisi de la formació i ampliació de les places de la ciutat de Barcelona durant la primera meitat del segle XIX.

Polítiques, pràctiques i estratègies d'inserció: una mirada des de les trajectòries de les dones immigrades

Aquesta recerca, amb l’objectiu general de conèixer i analitzar els processos d’inserció al mercat laboral, les estratègies i pràctiques d’inserció, i els àmbits d’ocupació de les dones immigrades en la societat de recepció, es va plantejar com a finalitat proposar línies d'actuació i pràctiques d'atenció vers aquest col•lectiu. Sota l’eix 1 del Pacte Nacional, apunta a garantir la igualtat de drets i l’accés al mercat laboral de les persones, des de la tranversalitat del gènere. Mitjançant l’aplicació d'entrevistes semiestructurades per tal de construir "trajectòries d’immigració" de dones, i obtenir una mirada sociohistòrica i dinàmica del procés de d’inserció laboral a la societat de recepció, es va portar a terme la recerca amb la participació de 17 dones immigrades al territori català. Entre els resultats, cal destacar que: en quant als relats d’origen destaca la diversitat de motius de la immigració, posant en qüestió les tesis purament economicistes, i en relació amb les polítiques i pràctiques d’inserció laboral, podem confirmar que els esforços dels recursos d’atenció tendeixen a encertar a les dones en els nínxols laborals més precaritzats, i sobre tot generitzats. Per altre banda, l’estudi ens ha permet apropar-nos a les estratègies que fan servir les dones per a sortejar les limitacions, sobre tot legals, que es troben a la societat de recepció. Aquestes accions ens permeten analitzar l’agència de les dones immigrades i la importància de les xarxes socials i de la participació, per a una inserció sociolaboral més plena. A més de les conclusions i recomanacions contingudes en aquest document, s'ha elaborat un material didàctic que es composa de: 1. Documental "Per compte aliè" en el qual hi ha les històries d'inserció de 5 dones i; 2. Guia de 12 tallers de treball com a proposta d’intervenció, destinats als col•lectius i serveis que treballen per a la inserció.

Comunicación de riesgo y sistemas de información en la Web: cinco modelos

Las administracionespúblicas de los países avanzadosestán llevando a caboiniciativas para gestionar lainformación y la comunicaciónde riesgo y emergencias mediantesitios web concebidos ydiseñados para ello. Estos sitiosestán pensados para facilitarinformación a los ciudadanosen caso de emergencias, perotambién contienen informaciónútil para los expertos y las autoridades.En este trabajo, y ala luz de la legislación españolasobre emergencias, se comparanlos sitios de la administraciónautonómica catalana y delgobierno de España con lossitios de tres países de referencia:Estados Unidos, Francia yReino Unido. Al mismo tiempose propone una metodologíasimple para llevar a cabo unacomparación que permita extraerconclusiones y plantearrecomendaciones en un aspectode la gestión de la información que puede resultar clave para salvar bienes materiales y vidas humanas.

Educational policy in Spain - a federal illusion?

Education and health policy are two of the public policies, which in Spain have been assigned to the Autonomous Communities (AC). This transfer of powers could be considered a proof for the strong “self-rule” of the AC, which in turn shows that Spain could be classified as a federal state. In the following analysis the authors in some parts disagree with that conclusion, showing that considering the education area Spain is “heavy at the top”. Due to the state’s exclusive power to regulate the basic conditions guaranteeing the equality of all Spanish citizens, the important and final decisions are taken at the center through the framework legislation. The AC play a minor role in the legislation process, they have to adopt the center decisions. De-centralization and extension of the framework legislation are highly connected: The central state reacted with strong framework legislation to the stages of the educational decentralization process. In addition, the concentration of important framing powers within the central state does not make educational reforms more infrequent. However, such reforms are the results of a competition between the parties, and not between the AC or between the AC and the central state

Recognition and political accommodation: from regionalism to secessionism. The Catalan case

Having lived through a bloody civil war in the 1930s followed by four decades of General Franco’s dictatorship, the Spanish state carried out a transition to a democratic system at the end of the 1970s. The 1978 Constitution was the legal outcome of this transition process. Among other things, it established a territorial model – the so-called “Estado de las Autonomías” (State of Autonomous Communities) – which was designed to satisfy the historical demands for recognition and self-government of, above all, the citizens and institutions of Catalonia and the Basque Country .In recent years support for independence has increased in Catalonia. Different indicators show that pro-independence demands are endorsed by a majority of its citizens, as well as by most of the political parties and organizations that represent its civil society. This is a new phenomenon. Those in favour of independence had been in the minority throughout the 20th century. Nowadays, however, demands of a pro-autonomy and pro-federalist nature, which until recently had been dominant, have gradually lost public support in favour of demands for self-determination and secession. This paper analyses the massive increase in support for secession in Catalonia during the early years of the 21st century. After describing the different theories of secession in plurinational liberal democracies (section 1), we analyse Catalonia’s political evolution over the past decade focusing on the shortcomings with regard to constitutional recognition and accommodation displayed by the Spanish political system. The latter have been exacerbated by the reform process of Catalonia’s Statute of Autonomy (2006) and the subsequent judgement of Spain’s Constitutional Court regarding the aforementioned Statute (2010) (section 2). Finally, we present our conclusions by linking the Catalan case with theories of secession applied to plurinational contexts

Sistema de control de demandas ciudadanas

El objetivo del proyecto es el desarrollo de una aplicación para la gestión de las demandas de servicios por parte de los ciudadanos de un municipio. Esta aplicación ha sido elaborada aplicando el modelo del ciclo de vida en cascada, realizando el análisis, diseño, implementación y pruebas del sistema desarrollado. El software obtenido es de tipo cliente/servidor y ha sido realizado con la tecnología orientada a objetos utilizando Java como lenguaje de programación, RMI como mecanismo para acceder a las operaciones del sistema de forma remota, y proporcionando a los usuarios una interfaz muy clara y amigable.

Asessing public policies. The case of education in Europe and the interaction between personal and institutional factors

The paper deals with the comparative study of European citizens' satisfaction with the state of education in their respective countries. Individual and contextual effects are tested applying multilevel analysis. The results show that educational public policies (level of decentralization, degree of comprehensiveness and public spending) as well as the students' social environment (socioeconomic and cultural status) have a sound impact on the opinions about the state of education.

Asymmetric information and trade policy

Economists understand protectionism as a costly mechanism to redistribute from the average citizen to special-interest groups; yet political platforms that deviate from free trade have surprising popular appeal. I present an explanation based on heterogeneous information across citizens whose voting decision has an intensive margin. For each politician and each sector, the optimal trade-policy choice caters to the preferences of those voters who are more likely to be informed of that proposal. An overall protectionist bias emerges because in every industry producers are better informed than consumers. This asymmetry emerges in equilibrium because co-workers share industry-specific knwoledge, and because producers have greater incentives to engage in costly learning about their sector. My model implies that more widespread information about trade policy for an industry is associated with lower protection. Cross-sectoral evidence on U.S. non-tariff barriers and newspaper coverage is consistent with this prediction.

How accurate are surveyed preferences for public policies? Evidence from a unique institutional setup

Opinion polls are widely used to capture public sentiments on a varietyof issues. If citizens are unwilling to reveal certain policy preferences toothers, opinion polls may fail to characterize population preferences accurately.The innovation of this paper is to use unique data to measurebiases in opinion polls for a broad range of policies. I combine data on184 referenda held in Switzerland between 1987 and 2007, with postballotsurveys that ask for each proposal how the citizens voted. Thedifference between stated preferences in the survey and revealed preferences at the ballot box provides a direct measure of bias in opinion polls.I find that these biases vary by policy areas, with the largest ones occurring in policies on immigration, international integration, and votesinvolving liberal/conservative attitudes. Also, citizens show a tendencyto respond in accordance to the majority.

Turnout, political preferences and information: Experimental evidence from Perú

Electoral institutions that encourage citizens to vote are widely used around the world. Yet littleis known about the effects of such institutions on voter participation and the composition of the electorate.In this paper, I combine a field experiment with a change in Peruvian voting laws to identify theeffect of monetary (dis-)incentives on voting. Using the random variation in the fine for abstention andan objective measure of turnout at the individual level, I estimate the elasticity of voting with respectto cost to be -0.21. Consistent with the theoretical model presented, the reduction in turnout inducedby the reduction in the fine is driven by voters who (i) are in the center of the political spectrum, (ii)are less interested in politics, and (iii) hold less political information. However, voters who respondto changes in the cost of abstention do not have different preferences for policies than those who voteregardless of the cost. Further, involvement in politics, as measured by the decision to acquire politicalinformation, seems to be independent of the level of the fine. Additional results indicate that thereduction in the fine does not affect the incidence of vote buying, but increases the price paid for avote.

The disturbing 'rise' of global income inequality

We use aggregate GDP data and within-country income shares for theperiod 1970-1998 to assign a level of income to each person in theworld. We then estimate the gaussian kernel density function for theworldwide distribution of income. We compute world poverty rates byintegrating the density function below the poverty lines. The $1/daypoverty rate has fallen from 20% to 5% over the last twenty five years.The $2/day rate has fallen from 44% to 18%. There are between 300 and500 million less poor people in 1998 than there were in the 70s.We estimate global income inequality using seven different popularindexes: the Gini coefficient, the variance of log-income, two ofAtkinson s indexes, the Mean Logarithmic Deviation, the Theil indexand the coefficient of variation. All indexes show a reduction in globalincome inequality between 1980 and 1998. We also find that most globaldisparities can be accounted for by across-country, not within-country,inequalities. Within-country disparities have increased slightly duringthe sample period, but not nearly enough to offset the substantialreduction in across-country disparities. The across-country reductionsin inequality are driven mainly, but not fully, by the large growth rateof the incomes of the 1.2 billion Chinese citizens. Unless Africa startsgrowing in the near future, we project that income inequalities willstart rising again. If Africa does not start growing, then China, India,the OECD and the rest of middle-income and rich countries diverge awayfrom it, and global inequality will rise. Thus, the aggregate GDP growthof the African continent should be the priority of anyone concerned withincreasing global income inequality.

Gender gaps in policy making: Evidence from direct democracy in Switzerland

In spite of increasing representation of women in politics, little is known about their impact onpolicies. Comparing outcomes of parliaments with different shares of female members does not identifytheir causal impact because of possible differences in the underlying electorate. This paper usesa unique data set on voting decisions to sheds new light on gender gaps in policy making. Ouranalysis focuses on Switzerland, where all citizens can directly decide on a broad range of policiesin referendums and initiatives. We show that there are large gender gaps in the areas of health,environmental protection, defense spending and welfare policy which typically persist even conditionalon socio-economic characteristics. We also find that female policy makers have a substantial effect onthe composition of public spending, but a small effect on the overall size of government.

Voting with preferences over margins of victory

This paper analyzes a two-alternative voting model with the distinctive feature that voters have preferences over margins of victory. We study voting contests with a finite as well as an infinite number of voters, and with and without mandatory voting. The main result of the paper is the existence and characterization of a unique equilibrium outcome in all those situations. At equilibrium, voters who prefer a larger support for one of the alternatives vote for such alternative.The model also provides a formal argument for the conditional sincerity voting condition in Alesina and Rosenthal (1995) and the benefit of voting function in Llavador (2006). Finally, we offer new insights on explaining why some citizens may vote strategically for an alternative different from the one declared as the most preferred.

Asessing public policies. The case of education in Europe and the interaction between personal and institutional factors

The paper deals with the comparative study of European citizens satisfaction with thestate of education in their respective countries. Individual and contextual effects aretested applying multilevel analysis. The results show that educational public policies(level of decentralization, degree of comprehensiveness and public spending) as well asthe students social environment (socioeconomic and cultural status) have a soundimpact on the opinions about the state of education.