50 resultados para MEDULLARY COLLECTING DUCT
Resumo:
The purpose of this article is to treat a currently much debated issue, the effects of age on second language learning. To do so, we contrast data collected by our research team from over one thousand seven hundred young and adult learners with four popular beliefs or generalizations, which, while deeply rooted in this society, are not always corroborated by our data.Two of these generalizations about Second Language Acquisition (languages spoken in the social context) seem to be widely accepted: a) older children, adolescents and adults are quicker and more efficient at the first stages of learning than are younger learners; b) in a natural context children with an early start are more liable to attain higher levels of proficiency. However, in the context of Foreign Language Acquisition, the context in which we collect the data, this second generalization is difficult to verify due to the low number of instructional hours (a maximum of some 800 hours) and the lower levels of language exposure time provided. The design of our research project has allowed us to study differences observed with respect to the age of onset (ranging from 2 to 18+), but in this article we focus on students who began English instruction at the age of 8 (LOGSE Educational System) and those who began at the age of 11 (EGB). We have collected data from both groups after a period of 200 (Time 1) and 416 instructional hours (Time 2), and we are currently collecting data after a period of 726 instructional hours (Time 3). We have designed and administered a variety of tests: tests on English production and reception, both oral and written, and within both academic and communicative oriented approaches, on the learners' L1 (Spanish and Catalan), as well as a questionnaire eliciting personal and sociolinguistic information. The questions we address and the relevant empirical evidence are as follows: 1. "For young children, learning languages is a game. They enjoy it more than adults."Our data demonstrate that the situation is not quite so. Firstly, both at the levels of Primary and Secondary education (ranging from 70.5% in 11-year-olds to 89% in 14-year-olds) students have a positive attitude towards learning English. Secondly, there is a difference between the two groups with respect to the factors they cite as responsible for their motivation to learn English: the younger students cite intrinsic factors, such as the games they play, the methodology used and the teacher, whereas the older students cite extrinsic factors, such as the role of their knowledge of English in the achievement of their future professional goals. 2 ."Young children have more resources to learn languages." Here our data suggest just the opposite. The ability to employ learning strategies (actions or steps used) increases with age. Older learners' strategies are more varied and cognitively more complex. In contrast, younger learners depend more on their interlocutor and external resources and therefore have a lower level of autonomy in their learning. 3. "Young children don't talk much but understand a lot"This third generalization does seem to be confirmed, at least to a certain extent, by our data in relation to the analysis of differences due to the age factor and productive use of the target language. As seen above, the comparably slower progress of the younger learners is confirmed. Our analysis of interpersonal receptive abilities demonstrates as well the advantage of the older learners. Nevertheless, with respect to passive receptive activities (for example, simple recognition of words or sentences) no great differences are observed. Statistical analyses suggest that in this test, in contrast to the others analyzed, the dominance of the subjects' L1s (reflecting a cognitive capacity that grows with age) has no significant influence on the learning process. 4. "The sooner they begin, the better their results will be in written language"This is not either completely confirmed in our research. First of all, we perceive that certain compensatory strategies disappear only with age, but not with the number of instructional hours. Secondly, given an identical number of instructional hours, the older subjects obtain better results. With respect to our analysis of data from subjects of the same age (12 years old) but with a different number of instructional hours (200 and 416 respectively, as they began at the ages of 11 and 8), we observe that those who began earlier excel only in the area of lexical fluency. In conclusion, the superior rate of older learners appears to be due to their higher level of cognitive development, a factor which allows them to benefit more from formal or explicit instruction in the school context. Younger learners, however, do not benefit from the quantity and quality of linguistic exposure typical of a natural acquisition context in which they would be allowed to make use of implicit learning abilities. It seems clear, then, that the initiative in this country to begin foreign language instruction earlier will have positive effects only if it occurs in combination with either higher levels of exposure time to the foreign language, or, alternatively, with its use as the language of instruction in other areas of the curriculum.
Resumo:
The purpose of this article is to treat a currently much debated issue, the effects of age on second language learning. To do so, we contrast data collected by our research team from over one thousand seven hundred young and adult learners with four popular beliefs or generalizations, which, while deeply rooted in this society, are not always corroborated by our data.Two of these generalizations about Second Language Acquisition (languages spoken in the social context) seem to be widely accepted: a) older children, adolescents and adults are quicker and more efficient at the first stages of learning than are younger learners; b) in a natural context children with an early start are more liable to attain higher levels of proficiency. However, in the context of Foreign Language Acquisition, the context in which we collect the data, this second generalization is difficult to verify due to the low number of instructional hours (a maximum of some 800 hours) and the lower levels of language exposure time provided. The design of our research project has allowed us to study differences observed with respect to the age of onset (ranging from 2 to 18+), but in this article we focus on students who began English instruction at the age of 8 (LOGSE Educational System) and those who began at the age of 11 (EGB). We have collected data from both groups after a period of 200 (Time 1) and 416 instructional hours (Time 2), and we are currently collecting data after a period of 726 instructional hours (Time 3). We have designed and administered a variety of tests: tests on English production and reception, both oral and written, and within both academic and communicative oriented approaches, on the learners' L1 (Spanish and Catalan), as well as a questionnaire eliciting personal and sociolinguistic information. The questions we address and the relevant empirical evidence are as follows: 1. "For young children, learning languages is a game. They enjoy it more than adults."Our data demonstrate that the situation is not quite so. Firstly, both at the levels of Primary and Secondary education (ranging from 70.5% in 11-year-olds to 89% in 14-year-olds) students have a positive attitude towards learning English. Secondly, there is a difference between the two groups with respect to the factors they cite as responsible for their motivation to learn English: the younger students cite intrinsic factors, such as the games they play, the methodology used and the teacher, whereas the older students cite extrinsic factors, such as the role of their knowledge of English in the achievement of their future professional goals. 2 ."Young children have more resources to learn languages." Here our data suggest just the opposite. The ability to employ learning strategies (actions or steps used) increases with age. Older learners' strategies are more varied and cognitively more complex. In contrast, younger learners depend more on their interlocutor and external resources and therefore have a lower level of autonomy in their learning. 3. "Young children don't talk much but understand a lot"This third generalization does seem to be confirmed, at least to a certain extent, by our data in relation to the analysis of differences due to the age factor and productive use of the target language. As seen above, the comparably slower progress of the younger learners is confirmed. Our analysis of interpersonal receptive abilities demonstrates as well the advantage of the older learners. Nevertheless, with respect to passive receptive activities (for example, simple recognition of words or sentences) no great differences are observed. Statistical analyses suggest that in this test, in contrast to the others analyzed, the dominance of the subjects' L1s (reflecting a cognitive capacity that grows with age) has no significant influence on the learning process. 4. "The sooner they begin, the better their results will be in written language"This is not either completely confirmed in our research. First of all, we perceive that certain compensatory strategies disappear only with age, but not with the number of instructional hours. Secondly, given an identical number of instructional hours, the older subjects obtain better results. With respect to our analysis of data from subjects of the same age (12 years old) but with a different number of instructional hours (200 and 416 respectively, as they began at the ages of 11 and 8), we observe that those who began earlier excel only in the area of lexical fluency. In conclusion, the superior rate of older learners appears to be due to their higher level of cognitive development, a factor which allows them to benefit more from formal or explicit instruction in the school context. Younger learners, however, do not benefit from the quantity and quality of linguistic exposure typical of a natural acquisition context in which they would be allowed to make use of implicit learning abilities. It seems clear, then, that the initiative in this country to begin foreign language instruction earlier will have positive effects only if it occurs in combination with either higher levels of exposure time to the foreign language, or, alternatively, with its use as the language of instruction in other areas of the curriculum.
Resumo:
This article details the use of photographic rectification as support for the graphic documentation of historical and archaeological heritage and specifically the southern facade of the Torre del Pretori (Praetorium Tower) in Tarragona. The Praetorium Tower is part of a larger monumental complex and one of the towers that connected different parts of the Tarraco Provincial Forum, the politic-administrative centre of the ancient capital of Hispania Citerioris. It is therefore a valuable example of the evolution of Roman urban architecture. The aim of this project is to provide accurate graphic documentation of the structure to facilitate the restoration and conservation of the tower, as well as to provide a more profound architectural and archaeological understanding of the Roman forum. The use of photographic rectification enabled us to overcome the spatial and time difficulties involved in collecting data caused by the size and location of the building. Specific software made it easier to obtain accurate two-dimensional images. For this reason, in our case, photographic rectification helped us to make a direct analysis of the monument and facilitated interpretation of the architectural stratigraphy. We currently separate the line of research into two concepts: the construction processes and the architecture of the building. The documentation collected permitted various analyses: the characterisation of the building modules, identification of the tools used to work the building materials, etc. In conclusion, the use of orthoimages is a powerful tool that permits the systematic study of a Roman building that has evolved over the centuries and is now in a modern urban context.
Resumo:
FUNDAMENTO: Determinar la prevalencia de la infección tuberculosa y por el VIH, así como los factores asociados, en la población de usuarios del programa de reducción de riesgos de la ciudad de Lleida. MÉTODOS: La muestra la formaron los nuevos usuarios del programa en el período abril-junio de 1996, entre los los cuales se realizó un cuestionario para la recogida de datos de las variables: edad, sexo, resultado de la prueba de la tuberculina, vacunación BCG, conocimiento de la serología frente al VIH, ingreso en prisión y años de consumo de heroína. Se calculó la prevalencia de la infección tuberculosa y por el VIH, con el intervalo de confianza (IC) del 95%. La asociación de ambas variables con el resto de variables del estudio se determinó mediante la odds ratio (OR) y su IC del 95% . RESULTADOS: Acudieron 150 pacientes diferentes, de los cuales 45 eran nuevos usuarios. De ellos, el 80,0% eran varones, con una edad media de 31,1 años. La prevalencia de la coinfección fue del 8,9% (IC 95% 2,8-22,1). La prevalencia de la infección tuberculosa fue de 27,3% (IC 95% 12,4-43,0), siendo superior en los que tenían antecedentes de ingreso en prisión (OR=3,4; IC 95% 0,5-27,4). La prevalencia de la infección por el VIH fue del 36,1% (IC 95% 21,3-53,8), siendo superior en los que tenían una antigüedad, en el consumo de heroína, superior a los 11 años ( OR = 7,3; IC 95% 1,0-65,9). CONCLUSIONES: El antecedente de ingreso en prisión es el principal factor de riesgo de la infección tuberculosa. Los años de consumo se asocian con la infección por el VIH, especialmente a partir de los 11 años. Los programas de reducción de riesgos de nuestro país deberían realizar actividades de control de la infección tuberculosa y por VIH.
Resumo:
The main purpose ofthis work is to analyse the relationship existing between reciprocity and moral by studying the main sanitation system, the drinking water supply, the sewerage, the drainage andgarbage collecting in a brasilian suburb. We agree with the hypothesis that the lack ofbasic sanitation and/ or aprecarious system genérate certain way of social exchange related to the system of circulation and distribution ofgoods andservices between people and the household units and to local political actions associatedto some ideas about moral andpoor people justice.