57 resultados para 1992-2007


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My interest in higher education and citizenship in the Middle East at large and in Jordan in particular is fostered by some of the reflections Eickelman proposed (1992). Being a quite recent phenomenon, intimately linked with the more general topic of state formation it seemed to me more suitable to study it in a little country with a recent history (a field study left almost unexplored until now as far as Jordan is concerned, to the best of my knowledge, since Antoun 1994 focuses on the migration as a quest for higher education). The process of state formation in Jordan is quite studied. I thus intended to study the higher education policies as an attempt both to create a national citizenry and more recently as a way of controlling the more problematic part of the population (youth, which constitutes more than the double of the population. See UNDP and Ministry of Planning 2000). How do the young students enter the university system, and in which way does this system work? How is this system designed, in order to retain social control of the students (since they are usually perceived to be a factor of social and political instability, as in Iran or in Egypt)? Is there any significant difference between different faculties? And if so, why? My conclusions at this stage are that the university system is an integral part of the survival of the regime. The system works quite well, and Jordan has one of the best educational position in the region. Yet there are important distinctions to be made: the access to the better faculties is socially selective while the less valued faculties are left to the poorer and less wealthy youth. This results in a different treatment of the students and of the courses that I analysed. In the better faculties the teaching standards are quite high, and the relationship between professors and students is almost on a same-level base, while in the less privileged faculties the opposite is true. Thus we can observe a concrete politics of divide et impera intended to split the youth in two. For the more privileged there are some freedoms, both within and outside classes, designed I guess at forging them as autonomous individuals. On the opposite the less privileged are kept under tight control, even if also these students are a privileged category among youth at large.

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El presente working paper es la versión española del capítulo escrito por las autoras sobre la política europea de España para un anuario alemán sobre construcción europea (W. Weidenfeld y W. Wessels (Hrsg.). Jahrbuch der Europäischen Integration 2007/08, Institut fur Europäische Politik. Europa Union Verlag, en prensa). Esther Barbé escribe dicho capítulo para el Jahrbuch regularmente desde el año 1990.

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El presente working paper es la versión española del capítulo escrito por la autora sobre la política europea de España para un anuario alemán sobre construcción europea (W. Weidenfeld y W. Wessels (Hrsg.). Jahrbuch der Europäischen Integration 2006/07, Institut fur Europäische Politik. Europa Union Verlag, en prensa). La autora escribe dicho capítulo para el Jahrbuch regularmente desde el año 1990. Producto de dichos textos es el libro de la autora que lleva por título La política europea de España, Barcelona, Ariel, 1999. En dicho libro se recogen aspectos conceptuales y de análisis en profundidad que sirven de marco al presente texto, cuyas características responden al objetivo de la publicación (alemana) en la que apareció: un anuario de seguimiento de la construcción europea de carácter coyuntural.

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Es pretén fer una descripció de la política turística de la ciutat de Girona en el període 1976-2007. Es defineixen 6 objectius: estudiar el concepte de política turística, estudiar l’evolució del boom turístic dels 60 fins al turisme de qualitat dels 90, observar el repartiment de competències entre les diferents administracions, observar l’actual política turística de l’Ajuntament de Girona, descriure els fets que han influït en la política turística de la ciutat de Girona, i comparar la política turística estatal i la de Girona en aquest període

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This paper studies the extent to which social networks influence the employment stability and wages of immigrants in Spain. By doing so, I consider an aspect that has not been previously addressed in the empirical literature, namely the connection between immigrants' social networks and labor market outcomes in Spain. For this purpose, I use micro-data from the National Immigrant Survey carried out in 2007. The analysis is conducted in two stages. First, the impact of social networks on the probability of keeping the first job obtained in Spain is studied through a multinomial logit regression. Second, quantile regressions are used to estimate a wage equation. The empirical results suggest that once the endogeneity problem has been accounted for, immigrants' social networks influence their labor market outcomes. On arrival, immigrants experience a mismatch in the labor market. In addition, different effects of social networks on wages by gender and wage distribution are found. While contacts on arrival and informal job access mechanisms positively influence women's wages, a wage penalty is observed for men.

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The article presents and discusses estimates of social and economic indicators for Italy’s regions in benchmark years roughly from Unification to the present day: life expectancy, education, GDP per capita at purchasing power parity, and the new Human Development Index (HDI). A broad interpretative hypothesis, based on the distinction between passive and active modernization, is proposed to account for the evolution of regional imbalances over the long-run. In the lack of active modernization, Southern Italy converged thanks to passive modernization, i.e., State intervention: however, this was more effective in life expectancy, less successful in education, expensive and as a whole ineffective in GDP. As a consequence, convergence in the HDI occurred from the late XIX century to the 1970s, but came to a sudden halt in the last decades of the XX century.

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El presente trabajo pretende un análisid de la intervención estatal en Bolivia a través de la hacienda pública. El trabajo supone un avance respecto a anteriores estudios por dos motivos. Por un lado, porque presenta un horizonte temporal de análisis mucho más amplio: se inicia en el último cuarto de siglo XIX y llega hasta la actualidad. Por otro lado, porque presenta evidencia cuantitativa totalmente inédita: una estimación de los ingresos y gastos fiscales del Estado Central desagregados de acuerdo a parámetros internacionales.