La Percepció republicana del carlisme: Una aproximació a propòsit de Valentí Almirall i Pere Coromines

Repàs de la relació entre el republicanisme i el carlisme a través de la mirada de Valentí Almirall i de Pere Coromines

Ideologia, política i llenguatge de classes en el primer sindicalisme, 1840-1870

Estudi del sindicalisme a Espanya des dels seus orígens i fins el 1870. L’autor planteja dues qüestions: la ideologia elaborada pel sindicalisme entre 1840 i 1856, i en segon lloc alguns aspectes de les relacions entre sindicalisme i política, i l’elaboració d’un llenguatge de classes

Consens i revolució: Poble i nació a la Barcelona de la Revolució Liberal, 1835-1843

Anàlisi dels deferents discursos de moderats, progressistes i republicans i els usos dels mots “poble” i “nació” durant els anys 1837-1843. L’autor considera que aquesta perspectiva és important per entendre el període, tot i que els recents debats sobre els orígens del nacionalisme a Espanya ho han deixat en un lloc secundari

Natura i història en la creació dels "paisatges de l'aigua" a la plana de l'Alt Empordà

L’objectiu d’aquest article és fer una aproximació al procés històric de creació dels anomenats “paisatges de l’aigua” a la plana de l’Alt Empordà. En primer lloc, es presenten els principals elements que configuren els paisatges de l’aigua a la plana (els rius, les rieres, els aiguamolls, els estanys, les sèquies, canals de regadiu, etc.). A continuació, s’analitza el procés històric de creació dels paisatges de l’aigua a la plana de l’Alt Empordà a través d’un discurs que s’ha simplificat en dues grans etapes: una llarga etapa caracteritzada per la lluita mantinguda per la societat altempordanesa contra l’aigua i, una segona etapa, molt més recent, on els esforços d’aquesta societat es concentren en l’obtenció d’aquesta aigua. Per últim, s’analitza en detall aquest procés a partir del cas concret del paisatge configurat per les closes

I Riflessi letterari dell’Unità d’Italia nella narrativa siciliana

El treball d'investigació té per objecte oferir un inventari raonat de novel•les i contes curts d’autors sicilians d’entre 1860 i 1898, de Giovanni Verga a la Simonetta Agnello Hornby, diferents en edat, cultura i condició social. Vol fer evident la persistència de la reflexió sobre el Risorgimento "traït", i ajudar a comprendre com hi havia un marc d’unitat política i institucional en el què no es donava cabuda a les diferències entre el Nord i el Sud d’Itàlia

La Fil•loxera i la crisi vitícola a les comarques gironines: 1879-1900

El sector vitícola català, màxim exponent de l'expansió agrícola registrada des d'inici del segle XVIII fins a mitjan XIX, va patir en les darreres dècades de la passada centúria un gran daltabaix. Un insecte desconegut fins aleshores, la fil•loxera, originari del continent americà i contra el qual les vinyes europees no disposaven de cap mena de defensa, va destruir en un marge de cinquanta anys tots els antics ceps d'Europa.

Hermen Anglada-Camarasa: De Barcelona a París, 1871-1904

Estudi d’un període concret de l’artista català Hermenegild Anglada-Camarasa, els anys1871-1904. Són els anys de formació de l’artista a Catalunya, passant per Barcelona, Arbúcies i Vilanova i la Geltrú. També viatja a París i continua la formació allà, on contacta amb moviments artístics europeus i internacionals, es consolida la seva figura i comença a tenir força reconeixement a nivell internacional

Sobre la identitat dels Matiners a les comarques del N.E. de Catalunya

This study attempts to throw some light on the identity of the Matiners of the regions of north-eastern Catalonia by analizing a notebook which was a register of rebels. This notebook gives the age, geographical origin and profession of the rebels. The War of the matiners (1846-49) was a Catalan rebellion framed within the context of popular opposition to the regime of the moderates, and in the midst of a general crisis. Themen who formed the groups of ((trabucaires)) were particulary young (the problemof recriting must not be forgotten), and came from the country, the crafts, and industry, and were militarized above all in the interior regions

Standardized enforcement: Access to justice vs contractual innovation

We model the different ways in which precedents and contract standardization shapethe development of markets and the law. In a setup where more resourceful parties candistort contract enforcement to their advantage, we find that the introduction of astandard contract reduces enforcement distortions relative to precedents, exerting twoeffects: i) it statically expands the volume of trade, but ii) it crowds out the use ofinnovative contracts, hindering contractual innovation. We shed light on the largescale commercial codification occurred in the 19th century in many countries (evenCommon Law ones) during a period of booming commerce and long distance trade.

Spinning welfare: The gains from process innovation in cotton and car production

Economists and economic historians want to know how much better life is today than in the past.Fifty years ago economic historians found surprisingly small gains from 19th century US railroads,while more recently economists have found relatively large gains from electricity, computers and cellphones. In each case the implicit or explicit assumption is that researchers were measuring the valueof a new good to society. In this paper we use the same techniques to find the value to society ofmaking existing goods cheaper. Henry Ford did not invent the car, and the inventors of mechanisedcotton spinning in the industrial revolution invented no new product. But both made existing productsdramatically cheaper, bringing them into the reach of many more consumers. That in turn haspotentially large welfare effects. We find that the consumer surplus of Henry Ford s production linewas around 2% by 1923, 15 years after Ford began to implement the moving assembly line, while themechanisation of cotton spinning was worth around 6% by 1820, 34 years after its initial invention.Both are large: of the same order of magnitude as consumer expenditure on these items, and as largeor larger than the value of the internet to consumers. On the social savings measure traditionally usedby economic historians, these process innovations were worth 15% and 18% respectively, makingthem more important than railroads. Our results remind us that process innovations can be at least asimportant for welfare and productivity as the invention of new products.

The impact of investment in education on economic development: Spain in comparative perspective (1860-2000)

Throughout the 19th century and until the mid-20th century, in terms of long-terminvestment in human capital and, above all, in education, Spain lagged far behind theinternational standards and, more specifically, the levels attained by its neighbours inEurope. In 1900, only 55% of the population could read; in 1950, the figure was 93%.This no doubt contributed to a pattern of slower economic growth in which thephysical strength required for agricultural work, measured here through height, had alarger impact than education on economic growth. It was not until the 1970s, with thearrival of democracy, that the Spanish education system was modernized and theinfluence of education on economic growth increased.

Bowling for fascism: Social capital and the rise of the Nazi Party in Weimar Germany, 1919-33

Social capital a dense network of associations facilitating cooperation within a community typically leads to positive political and economic outcomes, as demonstrated by a large literature following Putnam. A growing literature emphasizes the potentially "dark side" of social capital. This paper examines the role of social capital in the downfall of democracy in interwar Germany by analyzing Nazi party entry rates in a cross-section of towns and cities. Before the Nazi Party's triumphs at the ballot box, it built an extensive organizational structure, becoming a mass movement with nearly a million members by early 1933. We show that dense networks of civic associations such as bowling clubs, animal breeder associations, or choirs facilitated the rise of the Nazi Party. The effects are large: Towns with one standard deviation higher association density saw at least one-third faster growth in the strength of the Nazi Party. IV results based on 19th century measures of social capital reinforce our conclusions. In addition, all types of associations veteran associations and non-military clubs, "bridging" and "bonding" associations positively predict NS party entry. These results suggest that social capital in Weimar Germany aided the rise of the Nazi movement that ultimately destroyed Germany's first democracy.

It's parties that choose electoral systems (or Duverger's Law upside down)

This article presents, discusses and tests the hypothesis that it is the number of parties what can explain the choice of electoral systems, rather than the other way round. Already existing political parties tend to choose electoral systems that, rather than generate new party systems by themselves, will crystallize, consolidate or reinforce previously existing party configurations. A general model develops the argument and presents the concept of 'behavioral-institutional equilibrium' to account for the relation between electoral systems and party systems. The most comprehensive dataset and test of these notions to date, encompassing 219 elections in 87 countries since the 19th century, are presented. The analysis gives strong support to the hypotheses that political party configurations dominated by a few parties tend to establish majority rule electoral systems, while multiparty systems already existed before the introduction of proportional representation. It also offers the new theoretical proposition that strategic party choice of electoral systems leads to a general trend toward proportional representation over time.

Judges' cognition and market order

We argue that during the crystallization of common and civil law in the 19th century, the optimal degree of discretion in judicial rulemaking, albeit influenced by the comparative advantages of both legislative and judicial rulemaking, was mainly determined by the anti-market biases of the judiciary. The different degrees of judicial discretion adopted in both legal traditions were thus optimally adapted to different circumstances, mainly rooted in the unique, market-friendly, evolutionary transition enjoyed by English common law as opposed to the revolutionary environment of the civil law. On the Continent, constraining judicial discretion was essential for enforcing freedom of contract and establishing a market economy. The ongoing debasement of pro-market fundamentals in both branches of the Western legal system is explained from this perspective as a consequence of increased perceptions of exogenous risks and changes in the political system, which favored the adoption of sharing solutions and removed the cognitive advantage of parliaments and political leaders.

On the origins of electoral systems and political parties. The role of elections in multi-member districts

The old, understudied electoral system composed of multi-member districts, open ballot and plurality rule is presented as the most remote scene of the origin of both political parties and new electoral systems. A survey of the uses of this set of electoral rules in different parts of the world during remote and recent periods shows its wide spread. A model of voting by this electoral system demonstrates that, while it can produce varied and pluralistic representation, it also provides incentives to form factional or partisan candidacies. Famous negative reactions to the emergence of factions and political parties during the 18th and 19th centuries are reinterpreted in this context. Many electoral rules and procedures invented since the second half of the 19th century, including the Australian ballot, single-member districts, limited and cumulative ballots, and proportional representation rules, derived from the search to reduce the effects of the originating multi-member district system in favor of a single party sweep. The general relations between political parties and electoral systems are restated to account for the foundational stage here discussed.