Estudio e implementación de una autoridad de certificación distribuida

Aquest projecte presenta, en primer lloc, un estudi dels protocols de generació de claus criptogràfiques i autoritats de certificació distribuïdes més destacables desenvolupades fins a l'actualitat. Posteriorment, implementem un protocol, que toleri les errades, de generació distribuïda de claus RSA sense servidor de confiança, orientat a xarxes ad-hoc. El protocol necessita la participació conjunta de n nodes per generar un mòdul RSA (N = pq), un exponent d'encriptació públic i les particions de l'exponent privat d, seguint un esquema llindar (t, n).

Treballadores, conflictivitat laboral i moviment obrer durant el franquisme a l'àrea de Barcelona

Dins del desenvolupament de la tesi “Treballadores, conflictivitat laboral i moviment obrer durant el franquisme a l’àrea de Barcelona”, aquesta recerca ha tractat d'omplir un buit a les investigacions sobre l'actuació de les dones contra el franquisme, interrelacionant la seva participació en protestes laborals i al moviment obrer, especialment a Comissions Obreres (CCOO). Per portar a terme la investigació, s'ha consultat documentació procedent de les organitzacions antifranquistes, de la policia i del Sindicat Vertical franquista, a part d'entrevistes a dones que van participar a la conflictivitat laboral i al moviment obrer durant el franquisme. S'ha iniciat la redacció de la tesi doctoral, que es presentarà el 2008. A partir de les fonts estudiades s'ha pogut constatar la importància de la participació de les dones a les protestes laborals entre 1946 i 1956, amb un escàs paper de les organitzacions antifranquistes. Posteriorment, la presència de dones a les protestes laborals va disminuir. A més, inicialment van estar poc presents a les CCOO. A partir de 1969 el nombre de dones militants a CCOO va augmentar, al igual que la proporció de dones implicades a la conflictivitat laboral. No obstant això, van ser escasses les dones a les estructures organitzatives de CCOO i les reivindicacions pròpies de les treballadores rarament van estar presents a les plataformes reivindicatives durant el franquisme.

Political elites in federalized countries: the case of Spain (1980-2005)

This paper explores the social profile of the regional elite that has emerged in Spain since the federalization of the State. For the first time, researchers present data about crucial variables like gender, place of birth, age, education, and profession. They make interregional comparisons, and try to explain some unexpected findings like the behavior of political elites in some regions like Catalonia. The authors compare also the social profile of MPs of the two largest parties.

From creative ideas to new emerging ventures: the process of identification and exploitation among finnish design entrepreneurs

This study focuses on identification and exploitation processes among Finnish design entrepreneurs (i.e. selfemployed industrial designers). More specifically, this study strives to find out what design entrepreneurs do when they create new ventures, how venture ideas are identified and how entrepreneurial processes are organized to identify and exploit such venture ideas in the given industrial context. Indeed, what does educated and creative individuals do when they decide to create new ventures, where do the venture ideas originally come from, and moreover, how are venture ideas identified and developed into viable business concepts that are introduced on the markets? From an academic perspective: there is a need to increase our understanding of the interaction between the identification and exploitation of emerging ventures, in this and other empirical contexts. Rather than assuming that venture ideas are constant in time, this study examines how emerging ideas are adjusted to enable exploitation in dynamic market settings. It builds on the insights from previous entrepreneurship process research. The interpretations from the theoretical discussion build on the assumption that the subprocesses of identification and exploitation interact, and moreover, they are closely entwined with each other (e.g. McKelvie & Wiklund, 2004, Davidsson, 2005). This explanation challenges the common assumption that entrepreneurs would first identify venture ideas and then exploit them (e.g. Shane, 2003). The assumption is that exploitation influences identification, just as identification influences exploitation. Based on interviews with design entrepreneurs and external actors (e.g. potential customers, suppliers and collaborators), it appears as identification and exploitation of venture ideas are carried out in close interaction between a number of actors, rather than alone by entrepreneurs. Due to their available resources, design entrepreneurs have a desire to focus on identification related activities and to find external actors that take care of exploitation related activities. The involvement of external actors may have a direct impact on decisionmaking and various activities along the processes of identification and exploitation, which is something that previous research does not particularly emphasize. For instance, Bhave (1994) suggests both operative and strategic feedback from the market, but does not explain how external parties are actually involved in the decisionmaking, and in carrying out various activities along the entrepreneurial process.

The Electoral Determinants of Collective Remittances: The Mexican 3x1 Program for Migrants

The 3x1 Program for Migrants is a matching grant scheme that seeks to direct the money sent by migrant organizations abroad to the provision of public and social infrastructure, and to productive projects in migrants’ communities of origin. To do so, the municipal, state, and federal administrations match the amount sent by hometown associations by 3 to 1. This opens the door to the political manipulation of the program. We explore the impact of a particular facet of Mexican political life on the operation of the 3x1: its recent democratization and the increasing political competition at the municipal level. Relying on the literature on redistributive politics, we posit that an increasing number of effective parties in elections may have two different effects. On the one hand, the need to cater to more heterogeneous constituencies may increase the provision of public projects. On the other hand, since smaller coalitions are needed to win elections under tighter competition, fewer public and more private (clientelistic) projects could be awarded. Using a unique dataset on the 3x1 Program for Migrants for over 2,400 municipalities in the period 2002 through 2007, we find a lower provision of public goods in electorally competitive jurisdictions. Thus, we remain sceptical about the program success in promoting public goods in politically competitive locations with high migration levels.

Are Dictators Immune to Human Rights Shaming?

This paper examines whether human rights naming and shaming destabilizes the rule of authoritarian leaders. We argue that human rights shaming can destabilize autocratic leaders by signaling international disapproval to elites in the targeted country, increasing their capacity to replace the incumbent. In personalist regimes, shaming increases the risk of irregular exit because regime elite do not have a means to peacefully replace the incumbent. Shaming campaigns also decrease foreign aid and international trade in personalist regimes, denying the leader access to resources to pay his coalition – further destabilizing his rule. In non-personalist regimes where parties or the military allow elites to peacefully replace incumbents, human rights shaming increases the risk of regular turnover of power, but has little effect on the risk of irregular exit or international flows of aid and trade. These findings have implications for understanding when and where shaming campaigns are likely to reduce or deter repression.

Emissions distribution in post-Kyoto international negotiations: a policy

An abundant scientific literature about climate change economics points out that the future participation of developing countries in international environmental policies will depend on their amount of pay offs inside and outside specific agreements. These studies are aimed at analyzing coalitions stability typically through a game theoretical approach. Though these contributions represent a corner stone in the research field investigating future plausible international coalitions and the reasons behind the difficulties incurred over time to implement emissions stabilizing actions, they cannot disentangle satisfactorily the role that equality play in inducing poor regions to tackle global warming. If we focus on the Stern Review findings stressing that climate change will generate heavy damages and policy actions will be costly in a finite time horizon, we understand why there is a great incentive to free ride in order to exploit benefits from emissions reduction efforts of others. The reluctance of poor countries in joining international agreements is mainly supported by historical responsibility of rich regions in generating atmospheric carbon concentration, whereas rich countries claim that emissions stabilizing policies will be effective only when developing countries will join them.Scholars recently outline that a perceived fairness in the distribution of emissions would facilitate a wide spread participation in international agreements. In this paper we overview the literature about distributional aspects of emissions by focusing on those contributions investigating past trends of emissions distribution through empirical data and future trajectories through simulations obtained by integrated assessment models. We will explain methodologies used to elaborate data and the link between real data and those coming from simulations. Results from this strand of research will be interpreted in order to discuss future negotiations for post Kyoto agreements that will be the focus of the next. Conference of the Parties in Copenhagen at the end of 2009. A particular attention will be devoted to the role that technological change will play in affecting the distribution of emissions over time and to how spillovers and experience diffusion could influence equality issues and future outcomes of policy negotiations.

Inter-regional redistribution through infrastructure investment: tactical or programmatic?

In this paper we analyze the effects of both tactical and programmatic politics on the inter-regional allocation of infrastructure investment. We use a panel of data for the Spanish electoral districts during the period 1964-2004 to estimate an equation where investment depends both on economic and political variables. The results show that tactical politics do matter since, after controlling for economic traits, the districts with more ‘Political power’ still receive more investment. These districts are those where the incumbents’ Vote margin of victory/ defeat in the past election is low, where the Marginal seat price is low, where there is Partisan alignment between the executives at the central and regional layers of government, and where there are Pivotal regional parties which are influential in the formation of the central executive. However, the results also show that programmatic politics matter, since inter-regional redistribution (measured as the elasticity of investment to per capita income) is shown to increase with the arrival of the Democracy and EU Funds, with Left governments, and to decrease the higher is the correlation between a measure of ‘Political power’ and per capita income.

Premsa satírica de la II República a Catalunya: El Be Negre

Treball de recerca realitzat per una alumna d'ensenyament secundari i guardonat amb un Premi CIRIT per fomentar l'esperit científic del Jovent l'any 2009. El tema d’aquest treball de recerca és la premsa satírica a Catalunya durant la Segona República, centrat en l’anàlisi del setmanari 'El Be Negre’, i, a través d’aquesta publicació, l’objectiu és conèixer i veure com va tractar la premsa satírica determinats esdeveniments d’aquest període. La motivació de la recerca ve donada per l’interés en el periodisme i la història. El treball es divideix en dues grans parts; la primera d’aproximació al marc històric, i la segona, d’anàlisi de la revista. La primera part, consta d’un resum històric del període de la Segona República tan a nivell espanyol com català, d’un breu resum de les principals publicacions de l’època, tan diaris catalans com castellans i d’ideologies molt diverses, d’una breu història de la premsa satírica de Catalunya, des de mitjan segle XIX fins a la II República, i, finalment, una extensa documentació sobre el Be Negre (origen i influencies, redactors i ninotaires, seccions, funcionament, relació del setmanari amb diferents forces polítiques i sindicals). La segona part del treball, el cos central, es basa en l’anàlisi de la revista el Be Negre, a partir dels seus articles i acudits, que tracten alguns dels esdeveniments més rellevants de la Segona República.

Relationship between technological progress, capital elasticity and emissions of industrial pollutants for the production sectors in Catalonia

As is known, the Kyoto Protocol proposes to reinforce national policies for emission reduction and, furthermore, to cooperate with other contracting parties. In this context, it would be necessary to assess these emissions, both in general and specifically, by pollutants and/or among productive sectors. The object of this paper is precisely to estimate the polluting emissions of industrial origin in Catalonia in the year 2001, in a multivariate context which explicitly allows a distinction to be made between the polluter and/or the productive sector causing this emission. Six pollutants considered, four directly related to greenhouse effect. A multi-level model, with two levels, pollutants and productive sectors, was specified. Both technological progress and elasticity of capital were introduced as random effects. Hence, it has been permitted that these coefficients vary according to one or other level. The most important finding in this paper is that elasticity of capital has been estimated as very non-elastic, with a range which varies between 0.162 (the paper industry) and 0.556 (commerce). In fact, and generally speaking, the greater capital the sector has, the less elasticity of capital has been estimated. Key words: Kyoto protocol, multilevel model, technological progress

The Impact of democratization: a preliminary investigation on social policies and political violence in Latin America

The recent strides of democracy in Latin America have been associated to conflicting outcomes. The expectation that democracy would bring about peace and prosperity have been only partly satisfied. While political violence has been by and large eradicated from the sub-continent, poverty and social injustice still prevail and hold sway. Our study argues that democracy matters for inequality through the growing strength of center left and left parties and by making political leaders in general more responsive to the underprivileged. Furthermore, although the pension reforms recently enacted in the region generated overall regressive outcomes on income distribution, democratic countries still benefit from their political past: where democratic tradition was stronger, such outcomes have been milder. Democratic tradition and the specific ideological connotations of the parties in power, on the other hand, did not play an equally crucial role in securing lower levels of political violence: during the last wave of democratizations in Latin America, domestic peace was rather an outcome of political and social concessions to those in distress. In sum, together with other factors and especially economic ones, the reason why recent democratizations have provided domestic peace in most cases, but have been unable so far to solve the problem of poverty and inequality, is that democratic traditions in the subcontinent have been relatively weak and, more specifically, that this weakness has undermined the growth of left and progressive parties, acting as an obstacle to redistribution. Such weakness, on the other hand, has not prevented the drastic reduction of domestic political violence, since what mattered in this case was a combination of symbolic or material concessions and political agreements among powerful élites and counter-élites.

L'impacte dels sistemes multinivell en els sistemes de partits

Imaginemos que un observador quiere analizar el sistema político de los países de Europa Occidental. Si compara el sistema de partidos que hay a nivel nacional con los presentes en cada uno de los distritos de esta elección, apreciará notables diferencias entre países. Por ejemplo, si repara en Alemania, verá como los mismos cinco partidos presentes en el Bundestag compiten también en todos los distritos. Si por otra parte se fija en España, comprobará como en las Elecciones Generales españolas algunos partidos se presentan en todas las circunscripciones pero otros sólo lo hacen en una o en un puñado de ellas. Por lo tanto, mientras que en el primer caso tenemos que el sistema político nacional se reproduce de manera idéntica en cada distrito, en el segundo hay diferencias entre los partidos a nivel nacional y los presentes en determinados distritos. ¿Por qué existen estas divergencias? ¿Qué es lo que explica que esta situación sea estática o que cambie a lo largo del tiempo? En este anexo presento una memoria para justificar los principales avances en la investigación doctoral durante el periodo en que he disfrutado de la beca FI.

Possibilitats i límits de la democràcia deliberativa

La meva investigació s’articula entorn a l’obra del filòsof alemany Jürgen Habermas. L’aportació filosòfica més important de Habermas ha estat l’elaboració d’una racionalitat discursiva. Aquesta nova manera d’entendre la raó com a discurs ha tingut importants repercussions en l’àmbit de la filosofia i de les ciències socials en general. La primera part de la meva investigació analitza l’obra de Habermas, posant èmfasi en el procés de configuració d’aquesta racionalitat discursiva. Aquest primer període culmina amb la presentació de la tesina “Introducció al pensament i l’obra de Jürgen Habermas”. Com a resultat d’aquesta investigació, la meva recerca es centrarà, primer, en les nocions habermasianes de publicitat (Öffentlichkeit) i d’opinió pública (öffentliche Meinung) i, finalment, en l’anomenada democràcia deliberativa. Per tant, la recerca consta de dos part estretament relacionades: (1) un anàlisi del procés de configuració d’una raó discursiva en l’obra de Habermas; (2) una valoració crítica dels límits i les possibilitats de la democràcia deliberativa en les societats contemporànies. Aquesta darrera fase d’investigació –en la qual treballo actualment– s’endinsa en el debat dels “teòrics deliberatius”. Entre d’altres, aprofundeix en les repercussions ètiques i polítiques d’una relació problemàtica entre esfera pública i esfera privada. Desfer aquesta problemàtica passa per repensar l’exigència d’una racionalitat imparcial que, alhora, sigui Desfer aquesta problemàtica capaç de garantir la participació democràtica de la ciutadania en el context actual, on el pluralisme de valors ha esdevingut un dels fenòmens vertebradors de les societats contemporànies.

Aprendre a Ensenyar a Resoldre Problemes

La finalitat general del projecte és la millora de la formació dels estudiants de magisteri i de professorat, pel que fa a la seva visió i els seus coneixements sobre l'ensenyament i aprenentatge de les matemàtiques, a partir d'una redefinició de les diferents assignatures de didàctica de les matemàtiques. Es pren l'aprenentatge de l'ensenyament de la resolució de problemes com a eix vertebrador de les assignatures, introduint la realitat de l'aula per mitjà de la interpretació de casos professionals gravats en videoclips. El projecte pretén elaborar materials docents així com dissenyar i experimentar noves metodologies, tant en l'àmbit presencial com virtual, i al mateix temps fomentar la coordinació del professorat que imparteix les assignatures de didàctica. Tot el material es recollirà en una base de dades en l'ADRE, que permetrà la consulta tant presencial com virtual dels materials docents i casos professionals recollits per parts de l'alumnat i professorat. Els objectius a assolits responen a la finalitat del projecte i estan relacionats amb moltes de les prioritats de la convocatòria, ja que impliquen, entre altres coses, la producció de material docent, l’experimentació de noves metodologies i la interrelació entre teoria i pràctica professional.

Party competition in regional elections: a framework for analysis

Whilst scholars have long recognised that processes of decentralisation create new regional arenas where distinct patterns of party competition are likely to emerge, there has been little systematic analysis of the dynamics of such competition. This working paper thus proposes a framework for analysing party competition between regional branches of state-wide parties, and autonomist parties, in regional arenas. Firstly, the different strategies political parties may adopt in response to their perceptions of voter preferences and to the strategies pursued by their competitors are identified. Secondly, different factors that impact on parties' strategic choices, and which may constrain a party's ability to select electorally optimal strategies in a given political context, are proposed.