122 resultados para Historical present
Resumo:
Placental malaria is a special form of malaria that causes up to 200,000 maternal and infant deaths every year. Previous studies show that two receptor molecules, hyaluronic acid and chondroitin sulphate A, are mediating the adhesion of parasite-infected erythrocytes in the placenta of patients, which is believed to be a key step in the pathogenesis of the disease. In this study, we aimed at identifying sites of malaria-induced adaptation by scanning for signatures of natural selection in 24 genes in the complete biosynthesis pathway of these two receptor molecules. We analyzed a total of 24 Mb of publicly available polymorphism data from the International HapMap project for three human populations with European, Asian and African ancestry, with the African population from a region of presently and historically high malaria prevalence. Using the methods based on allele frequency distributions, genetic differentiation between populations, and on long-range haplotype structure, we found only limited evidence for malaria-induced genetic adaptation in this set of genes in the African population; however, we identified one candidate gene with clear evidence of selection in the Asian population. Although historical exposure to malaria in this population cannot be ruled out, we speculate that it might be caused by other pathogens, as there is growing evidence that these molecules are important receptors in a variety of host-pathogen interactions. We propose to use the present methods in a systematic way to help identify candidate regions under positive selection as a consequence of malaria.
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This research report concerns about the post-doctoral activities, conducted betweenSeptember 2010 and March 2011 at the University Pompeu Fabra, Barcelona. It comes to identify the consequences of the convergence phenomenon on photojournalism.Thus, in a more general approach, the effort is to to recovery the structural elements of the convergence concept in journalism. It aims to map, as well, the current debates about the repositioning of photographic practices linked to the news produced in a widespread adoption of digital devices in contemporary workflow. It is also specified,the analysis of photographic collectives as a result of the convergence frameworkapplied to photojournalism; the debate on ways of funding; alternatives facing thealleged crisis of press photography and, finally, proposes to create qualifying stages ofdevelopment of photojournalism in the digital age as well as the proposition of hypotheses concerning the structure of the productive routines. In addition, we present three cases to be analyzed in order to explore and verify the occurrence ofcharacteristics that may identify the object of research in the state of practice. Finally,we work in a series of conclusions, revisiting the main hypotheses. With this strategy, ispossible to define an sequence of analysis capable of addressing the characteristics present in the studied cases and other ones in future, thus, be able to affirm this stage as a step, in the continuous historical course of photojournalism.
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Having lived through a bloody civil war in the 1930s followed by four decades of General Franco’s dictatorship, the Spanish state carried out a transition to a democratic system at the end of the 1970s. The 1978 Constitution was the legal outcome of this transition process. Among other things, it established a territorial model – the so-called “Estado de las Autonomías” (State of Autonomous Communities) – which was designed to satisfy the historical demands for recognition and self-government of, above all, the citizens and institutions of Catalonia and the Basque Country .In recent years support for independence has increased in Catalonia. Different indicators show that pro-independence demands are endorsed by a majority of its citizens, as well as by most of the political parties and organizations that represent its civil society. This is a new phenomenon. Those in favour of independence had been in the minority throughout the 20th century. Nowadays, however, demands of a pro-autonomy and pro-federalist nature, which until recently had been dominant, have gradually lost public support in favour of demands for self-determination and secession. This paper analyses the massive increase in support for secession in Catalonia during the early years of the 21st century. After describing the different theories of secession in plurinational liberal democracies (section 1), we analyse Catalonia’s political evolution over the past decade focusing on the shortcomings with regard to constitutional recognition and accommodation displayed by the Spanish political system. The latter have been exacerbated by the reform process of Catalonia’s Statute of Autonomy (2006) and the subsequent judgement of Spain’s Constitutional Court regarding the aforementioned Statute (2010) (section 2). Finally, we present our conclusions by linking the Catalan case with theories of secession applied to plurinational contexts
Resumo:
Treball de recerca realitzat per un alumne d’ensenyament secundari i guardonat amb un Premi CIRIT per fomentar l'esperit científic del Jovent l’any 2010. Els objectius del treball són, entre d'altres, una explicació de la crisi actual, juntament amb les causes tant llunyanes com pròximes i els detonants. Alhora un comparació de crisis, sobretot amb el Crac del 29. També hi ha una intenció de previsió dels propers anys de crisi, i alhora a llarg termini. A partir de la part explicada anteriorment, creació d'un projecte de futur per a la previsió de futures crisis econòmiques. Finalment, diverses enquestes per a saber què i quan en sap la gent del tema i diferents entrevistes a coneguts economistes per tenir punts de vista experts.
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In this paper we compare two historical scenarios very different one to each other bothin institutional and geographical terms. What they have in common is the situation ofrelative poverty of most of the population. On the one side we are dealing withhistorical industrializing Catalonia in the North East of Spain, a country exhibiting pooreconomic yields in the context of European and non European industrializing nations inthe 19th century. We compare children s work patterns in 19th century Catalonia withthose of current developing countries in Latin America, Africa and South and East Asia.This kind of exercise in which the nexus of the comparison are the levels of wealth ofcountries that are unsuccessful to achieve high standards of economic growth allows usto combine the micro historical analysis (in the Catalan case) with the macrocomparative approach in current developing countries. By means of both, the microhistorical analysis and the macro regression analysis we obtain the result that adultwomen s skills and real wages are a key factor when we want to explain the patterns ofchildren work. While female real wages increased a sharp rate in 19th century Cataloniawe obtain very different results in the case of developing countries. This differentgender bias helps to explain why in some cases children continue to work and also whysome parts of the world continue to be poor according to our regression analysis.
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Alan S. Milward was an economic historian who developed an implicit theory ofhistorical change. His interpretation which was neither liberal nor Marxist positedthat social, political, and economic change, for it to be sustainable, had to be agradual process rather than one resulting from a sudden, cataclysmicrevolutionary event occurring in one sector of the economy or society. Benignchange depended much less on natural resource endowment or technologicaldevelopments than on the ability of state institutions to respond to changingpolitical demands from within each society. State bureaucracies were fundamentalto formulating those political demands and advising politicians of ways to meetthem. Since each society was different there was no single model of developmentto be adopted or which could be imposed successfully by one nation-state onothers, either through force or through foreign aid programs. Nor coulddevelopment be promoted simply by copying the model of a more successfuleconomy. Each nation-state had to find its own response to the political demandsarising from within its society. Integration occurred when a number of nation states shared similar political objectives which they could not meet individuallybut could meet collectively. It was not simply the result of their increasinginterdependence. It was how and whether nation-states responded to thesedomestic demands which determined the nature of historical change.
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Using historical data for all Swiss cantons from 1890 to 2000, we estimate the causal effect of direct democracy on government spending. The main innovation in this paper is that we use fixed effects to control for unobserved heterogeneity and instrumental variables to address the potential endogeneity of institutions. We find that the budget referendum and lower costs to launch a voter initiative are effective tools in reducing canton level spending. However, we find no evidence that the budget referendum results in more decentralized government or a larger local government. Our instrumental variable estimates suggest that a mandatory budget referendum reduces the size of canton spending between 13 and 19 percent. A 1 percent lower signature requirement for the initiative reduces canton spending by up to 2 percent.
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The paper contrasts empirically the results of alternative methods for estimating thevalue and the depreciation of mineral resources. The historical data of Mexico andVenezuela, covering the period 1920s-1980s, is used to contrast the results of severalmethods. These are the present value, the net price method, the user cost method andthe imputed income method. The paper establishes that the net price and the user costare not competing methods as such, but alternative adjustments to different scenariosof closed and open economies. The results prove that the biases of the methods, ascommonly described in the theoretical literature, only hold under the most restrictedscenario of constant rents over time. It is argued that the difference between what isexpected to happen and what actually did happen is for the most part due to a missingvariable, namely technological change. This is an important caveat to therecommendations made based on these models.
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This article examines the debt history of two contenders for European hegemony: 16th-centurySpain and 18th-century Britain. We analyze their fiscal behavior using measures of overborrowingand fiscal policy functions. Our results suggest that stringency was not key for Britain ssuccess in avoiding default. Instead, fiscal repression allowed the United Kingdom to borrowat below-market rates, thereby outspending its continental rivals.
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We present an argument for changes in the franchise in which an elite split along economic interests use the suffrage to influence implemented policies. Through the influence of these policies on the character of industrialization, we analyze the effects of franchise changes on economic growth. We identify in the social structure of society an explanation for the connection between enfranchisement and growth: When (1) there exist an economic conflict among the elite, (2) landed classes are not politically strong, and (3) there exists a critical mass of industrial workers, we observe both growth and democratization. The lack of conditions (1) or (2) resolves in stagnant autocracies while the absence of condition (3) drives growth-deterring democratic expansions. We provide historical support for our argument by analyzing the experience of 11 countries.
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We present a theory of the choice of alternative democratic constitutions, a majoritarian or a consensual one, in an unequal society. A majoritarian democracy redistributes resources from the collectivity toward relatively few people, and has a relatively small government and low level of taxation. A consensual democracy redistributes resources toward a broader spectrum of social groups but also has a larger government and a higher level of taxation. We show that a consensual system turns out to be preferred by society when ex ante income inequality is relatively low, while a majoritarian system is chosen when income inequality is relatively high. We also obtain that consensual democracies should be expected to be ruled more often by center-left coalitions while the right should have an advantage in majoritarian constitutions. The implications for the relationship between inequality and redistribution are discussed. Historical evidence and a cross-sectional analysis support our results.
Resumo:
We investigate the impact of 20th--century European colonizationon growth in Africa. We find that in the 1960--88 period growth has beenfaster for dependencies than for colonies; for British and Frenchcolonies than for Portuguese, Belgian and Italian ones; and for countrieswith less economic penetration during the colonial period. On average,African growth accelerates after decolonization. Proxies for colonialheritage add explanatory power to growth regressions and make indicatorsfor human capital, political and ethnic instability lose significance.Colonial variables capture the same effects of a sub--Saharan dummy andreduce its significance when jointly included in a cross sectionalregression with 98 countries.
The economic effects of the Protestant Reformation: Testing the Weber hypothesis in the German Lands
Resumo:
Many theories, most famously Max Weber s essay on the Protestant ethic, have hypothesizedthat Protestantism should have favored economic development. With their considerablereligious heterogeneity and stability of denominational affiliations until the 19th century, theGerman Lands of the Holy Roman Empire present an ideal testing ground for this hypothesis.Using population figures in a dataset comprising 272 cities in the years 1300 1900, I find no effectsof Protestantism on economic growth. The finding is robust to the inclusion of a varietyof controls, and does not appear to depend on data selection or small sample size. In addition,Protestantism has no effect when interacted with other likely determinants of economic development.I also analyze the endogeneity of religious choice; instrumental variables estimates ofthe effects of Protestantism are similar to the OLS results.
Resumo:
Els alumnes de Psicologia, quan inicien els seus estudis universitaris, sovint tenen una imatge parcial i esbiaixada de l’ampli ventall de possibilitats professionals de què disposa el psicòleg en l’àmbit aplicat. Seria desitjable que aquestes representacions inicials anessin modificant-se al llarg dels estudis per anar-se apropant als perfils existents en la pràctica professional.Els plans d’estudi anteriors a la reforma del Espai Europeu d’Educació Superior difícilment assolien aquest objectiu en l’àmbit de la Psicologia: una llicenciatura estructurada en àrees de coneixement, no sempre directament vinculades a perfils professionals, i poques hores de pràctica en centres aplicats, hi contribuïen clarament. Però les múltiples reformes que planteja la convergència europea a nivell d’estudis superiors, introdueixen un seguit de modificacions importants al respecte que poden resultar avantatjoses: l’increment de les hores de pràctiques tutelades en centres aplicats, tant en els estudis de Grau i com de Màster, així com la clara correspondència entre, d’una banda, els perfils professionals de la Psicologia i, per una altra, els quatre Màsters que s’ofereixen a Espanya, en són alguns exemples. El present article analitza, no només el curs de la reforma de la titulació de Psicologia en l’estat espanyol en relació als àmbits de pràctica professional, si no que també recull els que es contemplen en el marc universitari de la convergència europea, partint de la directrius de l’interessant projecte EuroPsy (European Diploma of Psychology).Finalment, es reflexiona sobre les àrees de pràctica professional envers les àrees d’especialització en Psicologia, així com de les òptimes perspectives de creixement que presenta la professió en un futur immediat