En torno a los efectos de la edad en el aprendizaje escolar de una lengua extrangera

The purpose of this article is to treat a currently much debated issue, the effects of age on second language learning. To do so, we contrast data collected by our research team from over one thousand seven hundred young and adult learners with four popular beliefs or generalizations, which, while deeply rooted in this society, are not always corroborated by our data.Two of these generalizations about Second Language Acquisition (languages spoken in the social context) seem to be widely accepted: a) older children, adolescents and adults are quicker and more efficient at the first stages of learning than are younger learners; b) in a natural context children with an early start are more liable to attain higher levels of proficiency. However, in the context of Foreign Language Acquisition, the context in which we collect the data, this second generalization is difficult to verify due to the low number of instructional hours (a maximum of some 800 hours) and the lower levels of language exposure time provided. The design of our research project has allowed us to study differences observed with respect to the age of onset (ranging from 2 to 18+), but in this article we focus on students who began English instruction at the age of 8 (LOGSE Educational System) and those who began at the age of 11 (EGB). We have collected data from both groups after a period of 200 (Time 1) and 416 instructional hours (Time 2), and we are currently collecting data after a period of 726 instructional hours (Time 3). We have designed and administered a variety of tests: tests on English production and reception, both oral and written, and within both academic and communicative oriented approaches, on the learners' L1 (Spanish and Catalan), as well as a questionnaire eliciting personal and sociolinguistic information. The questions we address and the relevant empirical evidence are as follows: 1. "For young children, learning languages is a game. They enjoy it more than adults."Our data demonstrate that the situation is not quite so. Firstly, both at the levels of Primary and Secondary education (ranging from 70.5% in 11-year-olds to 89% in 14-year-olds) students have a positive attitude towards learning English. Secondly, there is a difference between the two groups with respect to the factors they cite as responsible for their motivation to learn English: the younger students cite intrinsic factors, such as the games they play, the methodology used and the teacher, whereas the older students cite extrinsic factors, such as the role of their knowledge of English in the achievement of their future professional goals. 2 ."Young children have more resources to learn languages." Here our data suggest just the opposite. The ability to employ learning strategies (actions or steps used) increases with age. Older learners' strategies are more varied and cognitively more complex. In contrast, younger learners depend more on their interlocutor and external resources and therefore have a lower level of autonomy in their learning. 3. "Young children don't talk much but understand a lot"This third generalization does seem to be confirmed, at least to a certain extent, by our data in relation to the analysis of differences due to the age factor and productive use of the target language. As seen above, the comparably slower progress of the younger learners is confirmed. Our analysis of interpersonal receptive abilities demonstrates as well the advantage of the older learners. Nevertheless, with respect to passive receptive activities (for example, simple recognition of words or sentences) no great differences are observed. Statistical analyses suggest that in this test, in contrast to the others analyzed, the dominance of the subjects' L1s (reflecting a cognitive capacity that grows with age) has no significant influence on the learning process. 4. "The sooner they begin, the better their results will be in written language"This is not either completely confirmed in our research. First of all, we perceive that certain compensatory strategies disappear only with age, but not with the number of instructional hours. Secondly, given an identical number of instructional hours, the older subjects obtain better results. With respect to our analysis of data from subjects of the same age (12 years old) but with a different number of instructional hours (200 and 416 respectively, as they began at the ages of 11 and 8), we observe that those who began earlier excel only in the area of lexical fluency. In conclusion, the superior rate of older learners appears to be due to their higher level of cognitive development, a factor which allows them to benefit more from formal or explicit instruction in the school context. Younger learners, however, do not benefit from the quantity and quality of linguistic exposure typical of a natural acquisition context in which they would be allowed to make use of implicit learning abilities. It seems clear, then, that the initiative in this country to begin foreign language instruction earlier will have positive effects only if it occurs in combination with either higher levels of exposure time to the foreign language, or, alternatively, with its use as the language of instruction in other areas of the curriculum.

Competiciones de lucha en la Hispania antigua

En este artículo analizamos y clasificamos los testimonios iconográficos y epigráficos de época prerromana y romana en Hispania sobre los combates cuerpo a cuerpo sin armas. La primera evidencia es una escultura ibérica de lucha del siglo V a.C. Con la romanización, se generalizan por toda la Península las competiciones grecorromanas de lucha, pugilato y pancracio. En los siglos II y III estas pruebas conocen su periodo de esplendor; se conservan nscripciones y mosaicos en establecimientos termales. En época visigoda desaparecen los testimonios, coincidiendo con el ocaso de la vida urbana romana.

¿Realmente desean jubilarse los trabajadores? : una aproximación al deseo de jubilarse según la categoría laboral, la edad y los años cotizados

La edad de cese de la actividad laboral de las personas ocupadas presenta fuertes variaciones entre los países europeos. En una primera observación, esta variabilidad podría atribuirse a que la edad legal de jubilación no es la misma en todos ellos. Sin embargo, las pocas investigaciones que existen en España al respecto indican que las causas que impulsan o frenan el deseo de jubilarse no sólo están directamente ligadas a los límites legales que establecen los países, sino a otro tipo de variables. Una investigación en curso pretende conocer cuáles son las principales causas que inducen a que los trabajadores asalariados deseen retirarse de la actividad «lo más pronto posible». El objetivo es doble. En una primera etapa, se trataría de detectar cuáles son esas causas y cómo actúan en tanto que factores de expulsión o prolongación en el mercado laboral de los trabajadores asalariados de 50 o más años. En una segunda etapa, se trataría de comparar esos resultados con los de otros países europeos. Concretamente, con los datos que, desde su primera publicación en 2004, proporciona la encuesta SHARE (Survey of Health Ageing and Retirement), dirigida por la Universidad de Mannheim, cuyo principal objetivo es la creación de un observatorio permanente de las condiciones socioeconómicas y sanitarias de la población de diez países europeos, incluido España.

Estudio del postoperatorio de 100 terceros molares mandibulares incluidos, en relación a la edad, el sexo, el tabaco y la higiene bucal

La extracción del tercer molar inferior incluido provoca efectos secundarios como dolor, inflamación y trismo. Presentamos un estudio cuyo objetivo fue relacionar la edad, el sexo, el tabaco y la higiene oral con el postoperatorio de 100 de terceros molares inferiores incluidos. La edad, el sexo y el consumo de tabaco no influyeron significativamente en el postoperatorio. Sólo hallamos una correlación estadísticamente significativa entre la higiene oral y el dolor a las 6 horas de la exodoncia.

¿Activos desde cuándo? la edad de acceso al mercado de trabajo en la España del siglo XVIII

Este trabajo trata sobre la edad a la que niños y niñas accedían al trabajo remunerado en la España del siglo XVIII. Utilizando como fuente los Memoriales del Catastro de Ensenada (1751-1753), se propone la edad de diez años como edad media de acceso, a partir de la cual se puede calcular la tasa de actividad. La Mancha era una región rica en industria rural, sobre todo de manufacturas textiles, que abastecían al mercado madrileño, el de otras ciudades e incluso al colonial, y que generaban una fuerte demanda de trabajo femenino. Esta estructura productiva explica por qué las niñas se incorporaban al trabajo remunerado antes que los niños, por qué eran escolarizadas desde muy pequeñas en las ‘escuelas de labor’ y no en las escuelas de primeras letras como los niños, y por qué, en definitiva, sus tasas de alfabetización un siglo después eran inferiores a la ya muy baja media femenina española. En la España del siglo XVIII mujeres y niñas estaban masivamente empleadas en las manufacturas, sobre todo textiles, como ocurría en gran parte de Europa. Entender y contabilizar el trabajo realizado por mujeres y niñas, mucho más difundido de lo que se cree habitualmente, y centrado en manufacturas y servicios, transforma nuestra visión de la estructura de la actividad en la España pre-industrial, normalmente identificada con el trabajo agrícola y ganadero.

En torno a los efectos de la edad en el aprendizaje escolar de una lengua extrangera

The purpose of this article is to treat a currently much debated issue, the effects of age on second language learning. To do so, we contrast data collected by our research team from over one thousand seven hundred young and adult learners with four popular beliefs or generalizations, which, while deeply rooted in this society, are not always corroborated by our data.Two of these generalizations about Second Language Acquisition (languages spoken in the social context) seem to be widely accepted: a) older children, adolescents and adults are quicker and more efficient at the first stages of learning than are younger learners; b) in a natural context children with an early start are more liable to attain higher levels of proficiency. However, in the context of Foreign Language Acquisition, the context in which we collect the data, this second generalization is difficult to verify due to the low number of instructional hours (a maximum of some 800 hours) and the lower levels of language exposure time provided. The design of our research project has allowed us to study differences observed with respect to the age of onset (ranging from 2 to 18+), but in this article we focus on students who began English instruction at the age of 8 (LOGSE Educational System) and those who began at the age of 11 (EGB). We have collected data from both groups after a period of 200 (Time 1) and 416 instructional hours (Time 2), and we are currently collecting data after a period of 726 instructional hours (Time 3). We have designed and administered a variety of tests: tests on English production and reception, both oral and written, and within both academic and communicative oriented approaches, on the learners' L1 (Spanish and Catalan), as well as a questionnaire eliciting personal and sociolinguistic information. The questions we address and the relevant empirical evidence are as follows: 1. "For young children, learning languages is a game. They enjoy it more than adults."Our data demonstrate that the situation is not quite so. Firstly, both at the levels of Primary and Secondary education (ranging from 70.5% in 11-year-olds to 89% in 14-year-olds) students have a positive attitude towards learning English. Secondly, there is a difference between the two groups with respect to the factors they cite as responsible for their motivation to learn English: the younger students cite intrinsic factors, such as the games they play, the methodology used and the teacher, whereas the older students cite extrinsic factors, such as the role of their knowledge of English in the achievement of their future professional goals. 2 ."Young children have more resources to learn languages." Here our data suggest just the opposite. The ability to employ learning strategies (actions or steps used) increases with age. Older learners' strategies are more varied and cognitively more complex. In contrast, younger learners depend more on their interlocutor and external resources and therefore have a lower level of autonomy in their learning. 3. "Young children don't talk much but understand a lot"This third generalization does seem to be confirmed, at least to a certain extent, by our data in relation to the analysis of differences due to the age factor and productive use of the target language. As seen above, the comparably slower progress of the younger learners is confirmed. Our analysis of interpersonal receptive abilities demonstrates as well the advantage of the older learners. Nevertheless, with respect to passive receptive activities (for example, simple recognition of words or sentences) no great differences are observed. Statistical analyses suggest that in this test, in contrast to the others analyzed, the dominance of the subjects' L1s (reflecting a cognitive capacity that grows with age) has no significant influence on the learning process. 4. "The sooner they begin, the better their results will be in written language"This is not either completely confirmed in our research. First of all, we perceive that certain compensatory strategies disappear only with age, but not with the number of instructional hours. Secondly, given an identical number of instructional hours, the older subjects obtain better results. With respect to our analysis of data from subjects of the same age (12 years old) but with a different number of instructional hours (200 and 416 respectively, as they began at the ages of 11 and 8), we observe that those who began earlier excel only in the area of lexical fluency. In conclusion, the superior rate of older learners appears to be due to their higher level of cognitive development, a factor which allows them to benefit more from formal or explicit instruction in the school context. Younger learners, however, do not benefit from the quantity and quality of linguistic exposure typical of a natural acquisition context in which they would be allowed to make use of implicit learning abilities. It seems clear, then, that the initiative in this country to begin foreign language instruction earlier will have positive effects only if it occurs in combination with either higher levels of exposure time to the foreign language, or, alternatively, with its use as the language of instruction in other areas of the curriculum.

En torno a los efectos de la edad en el aprendizaje escolar de una lengua extrangera

The purpose of this article is to treat a currently much debated issue, the effects of age on second language learning. To do so, we contrast data collected by our research team from over one thousand seven hundred young and adult learners with four popular beliefs or generalizations, which, while deeply rooted in this society, are not always corroborated by our data.Two of these generalizations about Second Language Acquisition (languages spoken in the social context) seem to be widely accepted: a) older children, adolescents and adults are quicker and more efficient at the first stages of learning than are younger learners; b) in a natural context children with an early start are more liable to attain higher levels of proficiency. However, in the context of Foreign Language Acquisition, the context in which we collect the data, this second generalization is difficult to verify due to the low number of instructional hours (a maximum of some 800 hours) and the lower levels of language exposure time provided. The design of our research project has allowed us to study differences observed with respect to the age of onset (ranging from 2 to 18+), but in this article we focus on students who began English instruction at the age of 8 (LOGSE Educational System) and those who began at the age of 11 (EGB). We have collected data from both groups after a period of 200 (Time 1) and 416 instructional hours (Time 2), and we are currently collecting data after a period of 726 instructional hours (Time 3). We have designed and administered a variety of tests: tests on English production and reception, both oral and written, and within both academic and communicative oriented approaches, on the learners' L1 (Spanish and Catalan), as well as a questionnaire eliciting personal and sociolinguistic information. The questions we address and the relevant empirical evidence are as follows: 1. "For young children, learning languages is a game. They enjoy it more than adults."Our data demonstrate that the situation is not quite so. Firstly, both at the levels of Primary and Secondary education (ranging from 70.5% in 11-year-olds to 89% in 14-year-olds) students have a positive attitude towards learning English. Secondly, there is a difference between the two groups with respect to the factors they cite as responsible for their motivation to learn English: the younger students cite intrinsic factors, such as the games they play, the methodology used and the teacher, whereas the older students cite extrinsic factors, such as the role of their knowledge of English in the achievement of their future professional goals. 2 ."Young children have more resources to learn languages." Here our data suggest just the opposite. The ability to employ learning strategies (actions or steps used) increases with age. Older learners' strategies are more varied and cognitively more complex. In contrast, younger learners depend more on their interlocutor and external resources and therefore have a lower level of autonomy in their learning. 3. "Young children don't talk much but understand a lot"This third generalization does seem to be confirmed, at least to a certain extent, by our data in relation to the analysis of differences due to the age factor and productive use of the target language. As seen above, the comparably slower progress of the younger learners is confirmed. Our analysis of interpersonal receptive abilities demonstrates as well the advantage of the older learners. Nevertheless, with respect to passive receptive activities (for example, simple recognition of words or sentences) no great differences are observed. Statistical analyses suggest that in this test, in contrast to the others analyzed, the dominance of the subjects' L1s (reflecting a cognitive capacity that grows with age) has no significant influence on the learning process. 4. "The sooner they begin, the better their results will be in written language"This is not either completely confirmed in our research. First of all, we perceive that certain compensatory strategies disappear only with age, but not with the number of instructional hours. Secondly, given an identical number of instructional hours, the older subjects obtain better results. With respect to our analysis of data from subjects of the same age (12 years old) but with a different number of instructional hours (200 and 416 respectively, as they began at the ages of 11 and 8), we observe that those who began earlier excel only in the area of lexical fluency. In conclusion, the superior rate of older learners appears to be due to their higher level of cognitive development, a factor which allows them to benefit more from formal or explicit instruction in the school context. Younger learners, however, do not benefit from the quantity and quality of linguistic exposure typical of a natural acquisition context in which they would be allowed to make use of implicit learning abilities. It seems clear, then, that the initiative in this country to begin foreign language instruction earlier will have positive effects only if it occurs in combination with either higher levels of exposure time to the foreign language, or, alternatively, with its use as the language of instruction in other areas of the curriculum.

Aprendizaje y desarrollo de la teoría de la mente en la edad preescolar: algunas consideraciones teóricas y educativas

El propósito del presente trabajo es considerar las relaciones entre desarrollo, entendido como cambio evolutivo, y aprendizaje o cambio educativo, a la luz de las teorías de Piaget, Vygotski y el impacto que estas han tenido en los recientes avances alrededor de la Teoría de la Mente (TM). Entendemos por TM la capacidad que permite a las personas explicar su conducta y la de los demás basándose en la atribución de estados mentales, como creencias, deseos o intenciones. Se apunta que aprendizaje y desarrollo mantienen relaciones recíprocas que varían según el momento de desarrollo considerado. Así como las formas primigenias de cognición social como la atención conjunta apoyan la emergencia de las habilidades lingüísticas y el intercambio educativo, éste, a su vez, posibilita el desarrollode modos más complejos de cognición social, como la comprensión de la falsa creencia.Finalmente, se sugieren algunas actividades educativas encaminadas a fomentar laadquisición de la TM en la edad preescolar

Vulnerabilidad a los trastornos de alimentación en función de la edad y los estilos de afrontamiento en chicas adolescentes

Exsiten muy pocos estudios que exploren la relación entre estilos de afrontamiento y la predisposición a los trastornos de alimentación (TCA) en muestras no clínicas yprincipalmente con personas adolescentes con personas adolescentes. Asimismo, no hemos localizado ningún estudio realizado con adolescentes que explore tal relaciónen función de la edad. Esta falta de estudios resulta especialmente relevante puesto que la adolescencia es unode los periodos de riesgo más importante y constituye el sector de la población a quien deben ir dirigidos los programas de prevención.

Restitución 3D de la topografía de la antigua ciudad de Tarraco en un entorno SIG: propuestas metodológicas y primeros resultados

Durante los últimos años el Institut Català d’Arquelogia Clàssica, el Museu d’Història de Tarragona, contando con la colaboración de la Generalitat de Catalunya, han desarrallado el proyecto Planimetría Arqueológica de Tárraco, destinado a la elaboración de una planta arqueológica global en la cual se recogieran intervenciones y noticias referentes a los hallazgos arqueológicos existentes. Este trabajo fue publicado utilizando como plataforma de trabajo un SIG construido para tal fin (Macias et al. 2007). Sin embargo, un problema de difícil solución arqueológica venía dado por las transformaciones urbanísticas de la ciudad, sufridas en su mayor parte a lo largo de los siglos XIX y XX. Éstas habían provocado la pérdida irremediable de gran parte de la elevación que acogiera la ciudad romana, cambiando substancialmente su aspecto original. Ante esta situación y como proyecto paralelo a la realización de la Planimetría Arqueológica de Tarragona se plantearon formas de cubrir este vacío. Se presenta en esta comunicación una propuesta metodológica para la reconstrucción de los grandes «vacíos topográficos » originados por la evolución urbanística de Tarragona mediante la obtención e integración en un SIG de diversos tipos de información documental. En estas zonas rebajadas no resulta posible la obtención de información estratigráfica y arqueológica, por lo que es imprescindible la definición de vías metodológicas alternativas basadas en la extrapolación de datos extraídos de la cartografía histórica, panorámicas del XVI o fotografías tomadas en los siglos XIX y XX. Esta técnica permite aplicar los resultados obtenidos en los nuevos análisis interpretativos, complementando así la interpretación arqueológica de la topografía urbana de la ciudad romana. A partir de esta información, y aplicando funciones y técnicas de interpolación propias de un GIS, se propone aquí un modelo de relieve de la ciudad de Tarraco.

L’Ensenyament integrat tecnicotàctic dels esports en edat escolar. Explicació i bases d’un model = La Enseñanza integrada técnico-táctica de los deportes en edad escolar. Explicación y bases de un modelo

Teaching in sports with technique and tactic has brought different proposals in last years. From teaching games for understanding (TgfU), it has suggest some activities in teaching of sport, emphasizing the integrate teaching, and now is the moment for analysis and reflection, with enough time to prove if the contribution theory and practices help to know this model of teaching