Indigenous people's mobilization and their struggle for rights in Colombia

This text aims at showing the history of indigenous peoples’ mobilization in Colombia, the effects that it has brought about on Colombian democracy and political system, and the state’s reactions to their claims and actions. It will show how they have moved from class-based claims to a politics where identity claims have been central in their agenda and part of their strategies to negotiate with the state. It will also show the existing constitutional and legal framework that recognizes the rights of indigenous peoples, despite the context of persecution, murder, and forced displacement.

Església, poder i societat als comtats catalans d'origen carolingi (877-1010)

El projecte de recerca “Església, poder i societat als comtats catalans d'origen carolingi (877-1010)” contempla l'estudi de l'Església catalana del segle X en tots els seus vessants: com a estructura formada per diferents institucions (seus episcopals, cenobis, parròquies i esglésies-oratoris); com a conjunt de persones (clergues i laics que participen de diferent manera i amb diferent implicació dels afers eclesiàstics); en relació al poder polític-administratiu dels comtats catalans (comtes, vescomtes, senyors i altres delegats del poder i la justícia); com en relació amb els aspectes socioeconòmics i d'ordenació territorial (la gran massa de camperols, l'acaparament de terres per part dels grans propietaris, l'articulació d'un sistema de rendes, els vincles entre persones de diferents rangs, la compartimentació d'un espai creixent). Observem, doncs, que l'Església catalana altmedieval resta present en tots els àmbits de la vida i que el seu estudi permet, de retruc, un coneixement més profund i rigorós de la societat. Tot això, contextualitzat durant el segle X, a cavall entre dos períodes ben estudiats i que en ocasions l'han ennuvolat. El segle X és un període privilegiat per a l'estudi d'un bon nombre de dinàmiques polítiques, socials, econòmiques i culturals que demostren que aquesta centúria tenia una personalitat pròpia i que la posen en rellevància respecte als temps anteriors i posteriors. La historiografia tradicional altmedieval catalana tendeix a buscar l'origen dels canvis socials, institucionals i polítics, de la Catalunya medieval, en dos moments concrets: el món carolingi o els anys immediatament posteriors al canvi de mil•lenni. No obstant això, l'augment de fonts històriques, el millor coneixement dels conceptes i de les institucions i l'apropament a la història mitjançant nous enfocaments i paradigmes, permet visualitzar el segle X com a moment de continuació, però també de naixement de situacions prou importants com per a no ser negligides.

Decentralization, happiness and the perception of institutions

This paper analyses whether the different powers and resources at the disposal of local and regional governments across Europe deliver greater satisfaction with political institutions and lead to greater personal happiness. The analysis uses microdata from the four available waves of the European social survey (2002, 2004, 2006 and 2008), including more than 160,000 observations of individuals living in 29 European countries. Our results reveal that political and fiscal decentralization have a positive and significant effect on individuals’ overall happiness. Fiscal decentralization also exerts a significant effect on the level of satisfaction with political and economic institutions and with the education and health systems, whereas the effect of political decentralization on these variables is more limited. The results show that citizens seem to be happier with the actual capacity of their local governments to deliver than with the general principle that they can have a say on their daily politics and policies. Keywords: Happiness, well-being, satisfaction, fiscal and political decentralization, Europe. JEL codes: H11, H77

Cronyism in Business, Public Sector and Politics

This paper contrasts the incentives for cronyism in business, the public sector and politics within an agency problem model with moral hazard. The analysis is focused on the institutional differences between private, public and political organizations. In business, when facing a residual claimant contract, a chief manager ends up with a relatively moderate …rst-best level of cronyism within a …firm. The institutional framework of the public sector does not allow explicit contracting, which leads to a more severe cronyism problem within public organizations. Finally, it is shown that the nature of political appointments (such that the subordinate's reappointment is conditioned on the chief's re-election) together with implicit contracting makes political cronyism the most extreme case. JEL classifi…cation: D72, D73, D86. Keywords: Cronyism; Meritocracy; Manager; Bureaucrat; Politician.

The global uranium rush and its Africa frontier. Lessons from Namibia

Uranium mines are the - often forgotten - source of nuclear power. The promotion of nuclear energy as a clean alternative and the projected increase of electricity demand in countries such as China and India, have led to a global “uranium rush”, unseen since the peak of the Cold War. This article studies the formation of the expanding nuclear frontier looking at the interaction between the global uranium metabolism, industrial dynamics and local ecologies of resistance using Namibia as a case-study. Namibia, the world´s fourth largest producer of uranium, stands at the frontier of this rush with sixty-six recently granted prospecting licenses that could turn into mines, compared to only three currently operating mines. We focus on three generic attributes that help to explain the emergence and intensity of resistance by local communities to uranium mining: the ecology and geography of the resource; the degree and type of political and economic marginalization of the community; and crucially, the connection and integration of local concerns with broader social movements and political demands. We show with the use of empirical material how these factors play out differently in five Namibian communities that have been, or stand to be, affected by uranium mining, and explain how local ecologies of resistance shape the global uranium rush.

Law and the practise of principle in diverse societies

Projecte de recerca elaborat a partir d’una estada a la London School of Economics and Political Science, United Kingdom, entre 2007 i 2009. L’objecte principal del projecte ha estat analitzar les implicacions jurídico-polítiques i institucionals d’una teoria de la justícia i la igualtat liberals aplicada a societats multiculturals amb un marcat predomini de la diversitat cultural. L’anàlisi desenvolupa una línia d'investigació interdisciplinar - entre el dret i la teoria política - iniciada en una tesis doctoral sobre multiculturalisme i drets de les minories culturals (UPF, 2000) que va culminar en la publicació de Group Rights as Human Rights (Springer, 2006). La recerca adopta com a punt de partida les conclusions de l'esmentada obra, en especial, la rellevància del reconeixement de drets col•lectius; tanmateix, el tipus de qüestions plantejades, l’enfoc i la metodologia emprades són substancialment diferents. En concret, s'adrecen preguntes específiques sobre el model i aspiracions del constitucionalisme democràtic i el paper del dret en contextos multiculturals. També s’atorga un pes central a la dimensió institucional dels models de gestió de la diversitat que s’analitzen, prioritzant un enfocament comparatiu a partir de l’estudi de controvèrsies concretes. L’objectiu és superar algunes limitacions importants de la literatura actual, com ara la tendència a examinar en abstracte la compatibilitat de determinades demandes amb el constitucionalisme democràtic, sense abordar el funcionament d'estratègies de gestió de la diversitat cultural emprades en contextos concrets. Els treballs producte d'aquest projecte articulen les línies bàsiques d’un model pluralista, basat en principis més que en regles, que desafia els plantejaments dominants actualment. Aquest model es caracteritza pel compromís amb la legitimitat i igualtat comparatives, rebutjant el paternalisme i les visions liberals típiques sobre el paper de la regulació. La presumpció de l’“standing” moral dels grups identitaris és fonamental per tal de considerar-los interlocutors vàlids amb interessos genuïns. També s’argumenta que la integració social en contextos multiculturals no depèn tant de l’eliminació del conflicte sinó, sobre tot, d’una gestió eficient que eviti abusos de poder sistemàtics. El model defensa el rol del dret en la institucionalització del diàleg intercultural, però admet que el diàleg no necessàriament condueix a l’acord o a una estructura reguladora coherent i uniforme. Les aspiracions del ordre jurídic pluralista són més modestes: afavorir la negociació i resolució en cada conflicte, malgrat la persistència de la fragmentació i la provisionalitat dels acords. La manca d'un marc regulador comú esdevé una virtut en la mesura que permet la interacció de diferents subordres; una interacció governada per una multiplicitat de regles no necessàriament harmòniques. Els avantatges i problemes d’aquest model s'analitzen a partir de l'anàlisi de l’estructura fragmentària de l'ordre jurídic internacional i del règim Europeu de drets humans.

Higher education as formation of the self and citizenship: an ethnography of the University Students from Amman, Jordan

My interest in higher education and citizenship in the Middle East at large and in Jordan in particular is fostered by some of the reflections Eickelman proposed (1992). Being a quite recent phenomenon, intimately linked with the more general topic of state formation it seemed to me more suitable to study it in a little country with a recent history (a field study left almost unexplored until now as far as Jordan is concerned, to the best of my knowledge, since Antoun 1994 focuses on the migration as a quest for higher education). The process of state formation in Jordan is quite studied. I thus intended to study the higher education policies as an attempt both to create a national citizenry and more recently as a way of controlling the more problematic part of the population (youth, which constitutes more than the double of the population. See UNDP and Ministry of Planning 2000). How do the young students enter the university system, and in which way does this system work? How is this system designed, in order to retain social control of the students (since they are usually perceived to be a factor of social and political instability, as in Iran or in Egypt)? Is there any significant difference between different faculties? And if so, why? My conclusions at this stage are that the university system is an integral part of the survival of the regime. The system works quite well, and Jordan has one of the best educational position in the region. Yet there are important distinctions to be made: the access to the better faculties is socially selective while the less valued faculties are left to the poorer and less wealthy youth. This results in a different treatment of the students and of the courses that I analysed. In the better faculties the teaching standards are quite high, and the relationship between professors and students is almost on a same-level base, while in the less privileged faculties the opposite is true. Thus we can observe a concrete politics of divide et impera intended to split the youth in two. For the more privileged there are some freedoms, both within and outside classes, designed I guess at forging them as autonomous individuals. On the opposite the less privileged are kept under tight control, even if also these students are a privileged category among youth at large.

Sumak Kawsay, or the concept of living well, and perceptions about natural, urban and rural areas: the case of Cuenca (Ecuador)

This research explores critical environmental concepts from the standpoint of political ecology. It contrasts the Ecuadorian Kichua indigenous concept of Sumak Kawsay (i.e., living well), with discourses about natural, urban and rural areas. Sumak Kawsay was included in Ecuador’s 2008 constitution as an alternative to the neoclassical idea of development. This work reveals interesting insights from a variety of social and political viewpoints from both rural and urban areas. The research is based on the medium sized city of Cuenca, which is located in the southern Ecuadorian Andes. We used an adaptation of the Q Method to investigate stakeholders’ perceptions. Four remarkably well-defined viewpoints were revealed. Although these views contrast strongly with Sumak Kawsay, it is possible to transform this paradigm in the foundation of Cuenca’s public policies and institutional structure.

Administració pública electronica i immigracio: una nova oportunitat per una societat xarxa catalana inclusiva

Aquest projecte explora dues dinàmiques socials interrelacionades: a) L'increment de la diversitat cultural al territori català i la necessitat d'implementar polítiques públiques per millorar la convivència i la cohesió social. b) El desenvolupament de la societat xarxa catalana mitjançant la disseminació de les noves tecnologies de la informació i la comunicació en I'espai de I'administració pública. Mes en concret, el projecte aborda la qüestió de la participació de les persones immigrades en la societat xarxa catalana mitjançant una metodologia que combina la investigació online i offline. Es posa un especial èmfasi en I'estudi de I ‘accés i ús dels serveis oferts per I'administració pública electrònica de les persones immigrades a Catalunya. Els nous usuaris i usuàries dels serveis públics presenten condicionants i necessitats particulars que depenen del seu origen cultural i de la seva situació administrativa. Aquest projecte estudia el grau d'adequació de la e-Administració a les demandes i necessitats especifiques d'aquest grup de població. En aquest sentit, I'estudi explora les possibilitats per a poder promoure la cohesió social mitjançant el desenvolupament d'una administració pública electronica mes inclusiva i interactiva a Catalunya. L’anàlisi de I'adaptació i adopció de I'administració electrònica catalana en el context de la població immigrada s'ha fet des d'un doble camí metodològic. D' una banda, s'ha realitzat una incursió en com I'administració pública catalana, tant local com autonòmica, s'ha adaptat a la diversitat dels seus usuaris mitjançant I'observació de webs i entrevistes a responsables tècnics i polítics. D'altra banda, s'han fet entrevistes amb persones immigrades amb perfils socio-culturals diversos. podem apuntar que I'administració pública electrònica a Catalunya es una realitat per a moltes persones immigrades que ja han provat de fer-la servir per a usos socialment importants. Existeixen, però, impediments tant des de la pròpia dinàmica de I'administració, que no ha posat aquesta qüestió en un lloc prioritari, com des de les persones que desconfien dels seus propis coneixements i no sempre troben allò que busquen. Amb tot, ens trobem amb un espai que obre expectatives de futur molt amplies. Un espai molt idoni per a repensar les formes que exigeixen els reptes de la nova ciutadania

La titulatura faraònica dels emperadors romans: un cas particular de la imitatio Alexandri

Estudi realitzat a partir d’una estada a la University of Oxford, Gran Bretanya, entre 2010 i 2012. Durant l’estada postdoctoral a la University of Oxford s’han efectuat dos estudis relacionats amb l’onomàstica dels faraons d’Egipte i que constitueixen una continuació de l’anàlisi de la titulatura d’Alexandre el Gran realitzada prèviament per l’investigador en la seva recerca doctoral. El primer estudi examina la titulatura faraònica dels emperadors romans en comparació amb la d’Alexandre i, en especial, la significació ideològica i política dels paral•lelismes onomàstics existents entre elles, els quals han estat analitzats en el marc de la imitatio-aemulatio-comparatio Alexandri. Per al cas d’August, s’ha arribat a la conclusió que l’adopció de determinats apel•latius egipcis utilitzats anteriorment per Alexandre pot ser interpretada com un exemple local o estrictament egipci d’imitatio Alexandri, mentre que, en relació amb la resta d’emperadors, atès que les seves titulatures faraòniques es basen o imiten la del primer emperador, aquestes represes han de ser vistes més aviat com un exemple d’imitatio (o comparatio) Augusti. El segon estudi versa sobre la titulatura faraònica egípcia i la tradició annalística. A partir d’una anàlisi comparativa dels protocols onomàstics dels fundadores de cadascuna de les dinasties, s’ha intentat determinar si determinats noms o epítets s’empren de forma recurrent i d’una manera deliberada per tal de senyalar canvis dinàstics, és a dir, noves realitats polítiques. En concret, s’ha pretès establir fins a quin punt determinats recursos onomàstics tenen el seu reflex en la divisió en dinasties de Manetó i, alhora, determinar en quina mesura l’estudi de l’onomàstica faraònica pot contribuir al coneixement de com els egipcis conceptualitzaren i organitzaren el seu propi passat.

The “Death of environmentalism” debates: forging links between SEA and civil society discourses

Social and environmental accounting (SEA) is currently going through a period of critical selfanalysis.Challenging questions are being raised about how SEA should be defined, who should be doing the defining, and what the agenda should be. We attempt to engage and enrich these debates from both a process and content perspective by drawing on the political philosophy of agonistic pluralism and a set of debates within the environmental movement – “the death of environmentalism” debates. The contribution of the paper is twofold: to set forth the death of environmentalism debates in the accounting literature and, in doing so, to contextualize and theorize the contested nature of SEA using agonistic pluralism. In contrast to consensually oriented approaches to SEA, the desired outcome is not necessarily resolution of ideological differences but to imagine, develop, and support democratic processes wherein these differences can be recognized and engaged. We construe the “Death” debates as illustrative of the contestable practical and political issues facing both SEA and progressive social movements generally, demonstrating the context and content of the deliberations necessary in contemplating effective programs of engagement. The SEA community, and civil society groups, can benefit from the more overtly political perspective provided by agonistic pluralism. By surfacing and engaging with various antagonisms in this wider contested civic sphere, SEA can more effectively respond to, and move beyond, traditional politically conservative, managerialist approaches to sustainability.

What made him change? an individual and national analysis of men's participation in housework in 26 countries

We offer new evidence on multi-level determinants of the gender division of housework. Using data from the 2004 European Social Survey (ESS) for 26 European, we study the micro and macro-level factors which increase the likelihood of men doing an equal or greater share of housework than their female partners. A sample of 11,915 young men and women is analysed with a multi-level logistic regression in order to test at individual level the classic relative-income, time-availability and gender-role values, and a new couple conflict hypothesis. At individual level we find significant relationships between relative resources, values, couple's disagreement, and the division of housework which support more economic dependency than "doing gender" perspectives. At the macro-level, we find important composition effects and also support for gender empowerment, family model and social stratification explanations of cross-country differences.

Temporary and circular labour migration : reassessing established public policies

Today, Temporary Labour Migration is a fundamental course of action promoted by relevant economic and political agents, such as EC, the GCIM, or the OECD. Based on a specific empirical case study of Temporary and Circular Labour Migration in the Catalonian agrarian sector, which has been distinguished as a particularly successful formula, we identify a new area of interest: the emergence of a new empirical migrant category, the Circular Labour Migrant, which remains theoretically unnamed and lacks public recognition. We argue that, until now, there have been two historical phases regarding temporary labour migration: one of total deregulation and another of partial regulation, led by private actors with support from public institutions, and featuring circularity. IN a developed Welfare State context, it would be normatively pertinent to except a step towards a third phase, one involving the institutionalization of this new mobility category through the elaboration of a public policy.

The Nationalism of stateless nations and Europe. The Catalan case

This paper analyzes how the ideas and concepts of Europe have developed in Catalonia, under the conditions of a decentralizing “nation-state” (Spain) on one hand, and the European integration process on the other. It analyzes the programmes, manifestations of political leaders, and political actions of the Catalan political parties, specially the nationalists, from the setting up of the Spanish state of autonomies (1977-1982) until today. The paper tries to show how, in multilevel governance, holistic and enthusiastic visions of an economically and political integrating Europe as a “natural ally” of a Catalan nationalism were partially replaced by more pragmatic and even more critical assessments.

The effects of employment uncertainty and wealth shocks on the labor supply and claiming behavior of older American workers

Unemployment rates in developed countries have recently reached levels not seenin a generation, and workers of all ages are facing increasing probabilities of losingtheir jobs and considerable losses in accumulated assets. These events likely increasethe reliance that most older workers will have on public social insurance programs,exactly at a time that public finances are suffering from a large drop in contributions.Our paper explicitly accounts for employment uncertainty and unexpectedwealth shocks, something that has been relatively overlooked in the literature, butthat has grown in importance in recent years. Using administrative and householdlevel data we empirically characterize a life-cycle model of retirement and claimingdecisions in terms of the employment, wage, health, and mortality uncertainty facedby individuals. Our benchmark model explains with great accuracy the strikinglyhigh proportion of individuals who claim benefits exactly at the Early RetirementAge, while still explaining the increased claiming hazard at the Normal RetirementAge. We also discuss some policy experiments and their interplay with employmentuncertainty. Additionally, we analyze the effects of negative wealth shocks on thelabor supply and claiming decisions of older Americans. Our results can explainwhy early claiming has remained very high in the last years even as the early retirementpenalties have increased substantially compared with previous periods, andwhy labor force participation has remained quite high for older workers even in themidst of the worse employment crisis in decades.