Political autonomy and independence: theory and experimental evidence

We study the process by which subordinated regions of a country can obtain a more favourable political status. In our theoretical model a dominant and a dominated region first interact through a voting process that can lead to different degrees of autonomy. If this process fails then both regions engage in a costly political conflict which can only lead to the maintenance of the initial subordination of the region in question or to its complete independence. In the subgame-perfect equilibrium the voting process always leads to an intermediate arrangement acceptable for both parts. Hence, the costly political struggle never occurs. In contrast, in our experiments we observe a large amount of fighting involving high material losses, even in a case in which the possibilities for an arrangement without conflict are very salient. In our experimental environment intermediate solutions are feasible and stable, but purely emotional elements prevent them from being reached.

Political institutions and the development of telecommunications

It has traditionally been argued that the development of telecommunications infrastructure is dependent on the quality of countries' political institutions. We estimate the effect of political institutions on the diffusion of three telecommunications services and find it to be much smaller in cellular telephony than in the others. By evaluating the importance of institutions for technologies rather than for industries, we reveal important growth opportunities for developing countries and offer policy implications for alleviating differences between countries in international telecommunications development. Keywords: Political constraints, telecommunications, GMM, economic development. JEL codes: O1, O3.

Transferring QTL technology to the pig breeding industry (PigQTech) - a demonstration project

The aim of the project has been to demonstrate how the farm animal breeding industry can utilise gene mapping technology to accelerate genetic improvement. Previous theoretical studies had suggested that the use of marker assisted selection could potentially increase the annual improvement for quantitative traits like backfat with about 10% and for more difficult traits such as meat quality and reproduction by as much as 40-60% compared with existing technology. The work has comprised two major tasks: 1. Commercially relevant populations have been screened for segregation at QTLs identified in experimental populations. The aim has been to establish optimal strategies for QTL detection in commercial pig populations and the extent to which QTLs explaining major phenotypic differences between divergent lines used in experimental studies also explain quantitative variation within commercial lines. The results are important for specifying future strategies for finding economically valuable QTLs. 2. Marker assisted backcrossing has been used to demonstrate how a QTL allele can be introgressed from one breed to another. The work has focused on the major fatness QTL on pig chromosome 4 previously identified in a wild pig/Large White intercross. The end result was not designed to be a commercially viable product in its own right, but the process has validated a number of points of major importance for the exploitation of QTLs in livestock.

Inequality and a repeated joint project

Agents voluntarily contribute to an infinitely repeated joint project. We investigate the conditions for cooperation to be a renegotiation-proof and coalition-proof equilibrium before examining the influence of output share inequality on the sustainability of cooperation. When shares are not equally distributed, cooperation requires agents to be more patient than under perfect equality. Beyond a certain degree of share inequality, full efficiency cannot be reached without redistribution. This model also explains the coexistence of one cooperating and one free-riding coalition. In this case, increasing inequality can have a positive or negative impact on the aggregate level of effort.

La concepció clàssica de la monarquia egípcia a partir de la documentació literària del Regne Mitjà i la seva pervivència en Època Grecorromana. El cas paradigmàtic d'Alexandre el Gran

Aquest estudi s’insereix en un projecte de tesi. L’estudi versa sobre l’ideal egipci de monarquia durant el Regne Mitjà, a partir de l’anàlisi directa de quatre fonts literàries del període. S’ha constatat que la concepció de monarquia resultant, concebuda com a clàssica o modèlica, és la que es transmet en essència fins a l’etapa final de la història antiga egípcia, encara que readaptant-se a les noves realitats polítiques i culturals. L’anàlisi d’aquest ideal teòric de monarquia ha estat fonamental per afrontar l’objectiu essencial del projecte de tesi: l’estudi de la legitimació d’Alexandre el Gran com a faraó d’Egipte, és a dir, l’examen en profunditat del conjunt de mecanismes mitjançant els quals el macedoni va assumir el rol clàssic dels monarques egipcis i que expliciten el procés segons el qual un nou sobirà, que a més era d’origen estranger, fou inserit en la ideologia faraònica tradicional. Per tal de determinar com això es va produir, es fa necessari l’estudi del període en què Alexandre és el titular del tron del país (332-323 aC), és a dir, del moment de gènesi, formulació i desenvolupament de l’entramat ideològic que proporcionarà base teològica al nou govern i l’adequarà a la tradició. Per a l’examen d’aquest període cronològic, la documentació egípcia s’erigeix com la principal font d’informació, i per tant, durant el projecte s’ha compilat i analitzat el conjunt de la documentació de procedència egípcia disponible fins al moment que, datada o no, s’adscriu cronològicament a aquest període.

Comparing Governmental Agendas: Evolution of the Prioritization of Issues in the USA and Spain

This paper is the first step in a long term project investigating policy stability and change in Spain from an agenda setting perspective and comparing the Spanish policy agenda to that of other advanced democracies. Here we begin to compare the allocation of issue attention in Spain and the USA by comparing the substance of annual President and Prime Minister speeches from 1982 to 2005. Existing research argues that the public agenda has become more crowded, competitive and volatile in recent years. We find that in both countries there has been a transformation of the political agenda towards an increasing diversity of issues. However, most of the volatility in executive attention seems to be explained by salient events rather than by issue crowding. We conclude by discussing some limitations of executive speeches as a measure of governmental issue attention and directions for future research.

Political elites in federalized countries: the case of Spain (1980-2005)

This paper explores the social profile of the regional elite that has emerged in Spain since the federalization of the State. For the first time, researchers present data about crucial variables like gender, place of birth, age, education, and profession. They make interregional comparisons, and try to explain some unexpected findings like the behavior of political elites in some regions like Catalonia. The authors compare also the social profile of MPs of the two largest parties.

Political institutions and the development of telecomunications

It has traditionally been argued that the development of telecommunications infrastructure is dependent on the quality of countries’ political institutions. We estimate the effect of political institutions on the diffusion of three telecommunications services and find it to be much smaller in cellular telephony than in the others. By evaluating the importance of institutions for technologies rather than for industries, we reveal important growth opportunities for developing countries and offer policy implications for alleviating differences between countries in international telecommunications development.

Political alliances and organisational change in political parties: a framework for analysis

This article sets out a theoretical framework for the study of organisational change within political alliances. To achieve this objective it uses as a starting point a series of premises, the most notable of which include the definition of organisational change as a discrete, complex and focussed phenomenon of changes in power within the party. In accordance with these premises, it analyses the synthetic model of organisational change proposed by Panebianco (1988). After examining its limitations, a number of amendments are proposed to adapt it to the way political alliances operate. The above has resulted in the design of four new models. In order to test its validity and explanatory power in a preliminary manner, the second part looks at the organisational change of the UDC within the CiU alliance between 1978 and 2001. The discussion and conclusions reached demonstrate the problems of determinism of the Panebianco model and suggest, tentatively, the importance of the power balance within the alliance as a key factor.

Cultura i Societat en la guerra del Francès

Des de que començà aquest projecte, el grup de recerca ha intentat aprofundir el coneixement de la Catalunya de la Guerra del Francès (1808 -1814) a partir d’una òptica britànica. El grup pretenia així desenvolupar la relació que es va establir entre els catalans i els britànics al llarg de tota la guerra, des dels primers contactes permesos per la presència de la flota britànica en la costa catalana fins a la intervenció de forces britàniques en territori català. D’aquesta manera, i primerament, el grup inicià la consulta de les bases de dades i catàlegs catalans i britànics per a completar el nostre llistat de referències arxivístiques i bibliogràfiques. El segon pas van ésser les tres estades d’investigació que entre el 2006 i el 2007 es van fer a Anglaterra, principalment a Londres. La investigació es realitzà a la British Library, al Institute of Historical Research of the School of Advanced Studies de la University of London, al National Maritime Museum i als National Archives of the United Kingdom. A continuació, el grup analitzà la informació recollida de la lectura de fonts primàries i bibliogràfiques en aquests centres de recerca. Finalment, el grup creu que la intensa relació que es va establir entre les dues parts, reflecteix la importància que les autoritats britàniques van donar a Catalunya, i que el seu aïllament amb el centre polític del bàndol patriota va permetre que desenvolupés les seves pròpies dinàmiques i cronologies, encara que s’integraven en el desenvolupament general de la guerra.