Political autonomy and independence: theory and experimental evidence

We study the process by which subordinated regions of a country can obtain a more favourable political status. In our theoretical model a dominant and a dominated region first interact through a voting process that can lead to different degrees of autonomy. If this process fails then both regions engage in a costly political conflict which can only lead to the maintenance of the initial subordination of the region in question or to its complete independence. In the subgame-perfect equilibrium the voting process always leads to an intermediate arrangement acceptable for both parts. Hence, the costly political struggle never occurs. In contrast, in our experiments we observe a large amount of fighting involving high material losses, even in a case in which the possibilities for an arrangement without conflict are very salient. In our experimental environment intermediate solutions are feasible and stable, but purely emotional elements prevent them from being reached.

Political institutions and the development of telecommunications

It has traditionally been argued that the development of telecommunications infrastructure is dependent on the quality of countries' political institutions. We estimate the effect of political institutions on the diffusion of three telecommunications services and find it to be much smaller in cellular telephony than in the others. By evaluating the importance of institutions for technologies rather than for industries, we reveal important growth opportunities for developing countries and offer policy implications for alleviating differences between countries in international telecommunications development. Keywords: Political constraints, telecommunications, GMM, economic development. JEL codes: O1, O3.

Análisis jurisprudencial del derecho al secreto de las comunicaciones (art. 18.3 C.E.)

Este trabajo aspira a plantear en qué estado se halla actualmente la regulación de la intervención de las comunicaciones telefónicas en nuestro ordenamiento jurídico. Nuestro enfoque en el presente trabajo será plantearnos la legitimidad o licitud de las medidas de intervención telefónica así como su ámbito de validez y eficacia a efectos de su utilización en el proceso penal en el sentido de qué límites o controles deben establecerse. Asimismo analizaremos el derecho fundamental al secreto de las comunicaciones consagrado en el art. 18.3 de la Constitución y la regulación positiva de dicho derecho en nuestro ordenamiento jurídico. En definitiva, se trata de plantear la problemática en términos amplios para posteriormente profundizar y abordar cuestiones de gran relevancia tales como qué sucede o qué tratamiento debe darse a los llamados hallazgos casuales o a la prueba ilegalmente obtenida, elementos que debido a su extensión trataremos de una forma puntual y que serán objeto de desarrollo en un trabajo posterior.

Political elites in federalized countries: the case of Spain (1980-2005)

This paper explores the social profile of the regional elite that has emerged in Spain since the federalization of the State. For the first time, researchers present data about crucial variables like gender, place of birth, age, education, and profession. They make interregional comparisons, and try to explain some unexpected findings like the behavior of political elites in some regions like Catalonia. The authors compare also the social profile of MPs of the two largest parties.

Old age mortality: a state of the art

This Phd research report aims to obtain a better understanding of the recent changes in mortality of the elderly population in developed countries. It’s essence will be a critical thinking, without performing empirical work, which means that the analysis and concepts of the actual demographic literature will form the main body of this work. There are two central questions: Which age and cause specific mortality trends caused these recent changes in the life expectancy?Did the increase in life expectancy of the elderly population accelerate, continue or decline in recent years?”

Art en tres dimensions: construcció de renders 3D amb renders 3D studio max

Treball de recerca realitzat per un alumne d’ensenyament secundari i guardonat amb un Premi CIRIT per fomentar l'esperit científic del Jovent l’any 2008. Existeixen diversos programes informàtics per a la generació d’imatges en format 3D. S’analitza breument l’oferta del mercat actual de la tecnologia de programari més emprada en la producció de gràfics 3D amb ordinador, identificant les vessants positives i negatives de cadascun. Posteriorment s’examina en profunditat el programa 3D Studio Max, per tal de conèixer-ne les eines de creació d’escenes virtuals i les seves funcionalitats. Finalment s’han desenvolupat projectes d’escenaris 3D en els quals es puguin aplicar els coneixements tècnics obtinguts en la recerca, sempre conceptualitzant aquestes propostes amb un cert criteri artístic.

Political institutions and the development of telecomunications

It has traditionally been argued that the development of telecommunications infrastructure is dependent on the quality of countries’ political institutions. We estimate the effect of political institutions on the diffusion of three telecommunications services and find it to be much smaller in cellular telephony than in the others. By evaluating the importance of institutions for technologies rather than for industries, we reveal important growth opportunities for developing countries and offer policy implications for alleviating differences between countries in international telecommunications development.

Political alliances and organisational change in political parties: a framework for analysis

This article sets out a theoretical framework for the study of organisational change within political alliances. To achieve this objective it uses as a starting point a series of premises, the most notable of which include the definition of organisational change as a discrete, complex and focussed phenomenon of changes in power within the party. In accordance with these premises, it analyses the synthetic model of organisational change proposed by Panebianco (1988). After examining its limitations, a number of amendments are proposed to adapt it to the way political alliances operate. The above has resulted in the design of four new models. In order to test its validity and explanatory power in a preliminary manner, the second part looks at the organisational change of the UDC within the CiU alliance between 1978 and 2001. The discussion and conclusions reached demonstrate the problems of determinism of the Panebianco model and suggest, tentatively, the importance of the power balance within the alliance as a key factor.

Models i formes de la pintura catalana del Barroc: el mirall de l'art francès

Estudi elaborat a partir d’una estada a l’Institut National d'Histoire de l'Art- Bibliothèque Nationale de France entre l'1 i el 31 de juliol de 2007. S’ha treballat en la recerca documental sobre les relacions artístiques entre França i Catalunya a l’Època Moderna. Els materials o fons documentals d’interès han estat dos: els fons gràfics d’estampes i gravats de la Bibliothèque Nationale, no tant en el sentit de consulta dels originals –que en alguna ocasió també- com sí en el la visualització de les vastíssimes fototeques, que ha permès a l’autor aplegar un bon nombre d’imatges que en el futur serviran per posar en relació la cultura figurativa francesa –sobretot de la pintura i de l’escultura, però també de la tractadística arquitectònica- amb la catalana de l’època, ja sigui per constatar les semblances com per fer notar les diferències en els usos dels models figuratius. S’ha buidat material bibliogràfic difícil de localitzar a Catalunya. Són publicacions referides a gravat, d’una banda, i a patrimoni artístic. Aquest darrer aspecte s’ha treballat des de dos vessants: en seguir notícies de la presència d’artistes catalans a França i viceversa, i en buscar dades sobre l’espoli d’obres d’art portat a terme a Catalunya durant el període napoleònic.

Art i església a la Mallorca del segle XVI a través de les visites pastorals del bisbe Joan Vic i Manrique (1573-1604)

Aquest treball de recerca del doctorand Bartomeu Martínez Oliver titulat Art i Església a la Mallorca del segle XVI a través de les visites pastorals del bisbe Joan Vic i Manrique (1573-1604) és innovador pel tema, però també per l’enfocament metodològic, ja que obre noves vies per conèixer millor l’art eclesiàstic, en el seu cas de Mallorca al tombant del segle XVII, mitjançant l’anàlisi rigorós de les visites pastorals del bisbe Joan Vic i Manrique conservades a l’arxiu diocesà de Mallorca. Bartomeu Martínez Oliver centra l’interés en la personalitat d’un prelat extraordinari que governà la diòcesi de mallorquina durant més de trenta anys. A més de l’enèrgica aplicació dels principis reformadors del Concili de Trento (1545-1563), aquest bisbe valencià (que gaudia d’una conspícua cultura, no debades era nét de Jeroni Vich i Vallterra, ambaixador de Ferran el Catòlic a Roma i important col•leccionista de pintura renaixentista) va ser l’introductor de noves devocions a l’illa, per exemple la Immaculada Concepció, i va afavorir els intercanvis artístics entre Mallorca i València. Finalment, dins la novetat del tema a Mallorca, cal dir que la investigació de Bartomeu Martínez connecta amb les investigacions sobre el pontificat immediatament anterior del bisbe Diego de Arnedo (1562-1572) i també, amb els treballs que s’han fet en altres diòcesis de l’Estat espanyol, i específicament a Catalunya. En aquest sentit, aquell treball de recerca ampliarà el coneixement real de l’aplicació conciliar que ha suscitat molts de tòpics dins la historiografia

The Political Economy of Resource Rent Distribution

I model the link between political regime and level of diversification following a windfall of natural resource revenues. The explanatory variables I make use of are the political support functions embedded within each type of regime and the disparate levels of discretion, openness, transparency, and accountability of government. I show that a democratic government seeks to maximize the long-term consumption path of the representative consumer, in order to maximize its chances of re-election, while an authoritarian government, in the absence of any electoral mechanism of accountability, seeks to buy off and entrench a group of special interests loyal to the government and potent enough to ensure its short-term survival. Essentially the contrast in the approaches towards resource rent distribution comes down to a variation in political weights on aggregate welfare and rentierist special interests endogenized by distinct political support functions.

Water scarcity, social power and the production of an elite suburb: the political ecology of water in Matadepera, Catalonia

This article investigates the history of land and water transformations in Matadepera, a wealthy suburb of metropolitan Barcelona. Analysis is informed by theories of political ecology and methods of environmental history; although very relevant, these have received relatively little attention within ecological economics. Empirical material includes communications from the City Archives of Matadepera (1919-1979), 17 interviews with locals born between 1913 and 1958, and an exhaustive review of grey historical literature. Existing water histories of Barcelona and its outskirts portray a battle against natural water scarcity, hard won by heroic engineers and politicians acting for the good of the community. Our research in Matadepera tells a very different story. We reveal the production of a highly uneven landscape and waterscape through fierce political and power struggles. The evolution of Matadepera from a small rural village to an elite suburb was anything but spontaneous or peaceful. It was a socio-environmental project well intended by landowning elites and heavily fought by others. The struggle for the control of water went hand in hand with the land and political struggles that culminated – and were violently resolved - in the Spanish Civil War. The displacement of the economic and environmental costs of water use from few to many continues to this day and is constitutive of Matadepera’s uneven and unsustainable landscape. By unravelling the relations of power that are inscribed in the urbanization of nature (Swyngedouw, 2004), we question the perceived wisdoms of contemporary water policy debates, particularly the notion of a natural scarcity that merits a technical or economic response. We argue that the water question is fundamentally a political question of environmental justice; it is about negotiating alternative visions of the future and deciding whose visions will be produced.

Perceptions of Europe in political and economic elites: a geographical compared analysis of Germany, Spain and Poland

Elite perceptions about Europe are a very important point in order to understand the current European integration process, as well as the future perspectives for the continent. This study makes a comparison between the perceptions which political and economical elites in some European countries have about the European Union process and its mechanisms. The main goal is to identify the differences in positions of each type of elites, as well as the variations among three key countries. The database built thanks to the INTUNE (Integrated and United? A quest for Citizenship in an ¨ever closer Europe¨) Project Survey on European Elites and Masses, funded by the Sixth Framework Programme of the EU [Contract CIT 3-CT-2005-513421] have being used. The questionnaire was applied between February and May 2007, in a total of 18 European countries. The national teams got a total of almost 2000 valid responses at European level. In the analysis we have showed some general descriptive statistics about the perception of Europe taking as a reference two dimensions of the INTUNE project: identity (attachment to the national level, the meaning of being a truly national, and the threats from Turkey that EU is facing at this moment) and representation (trust in European and national institutions, preferences for a national or an European army). The results are presented distinguishing between political (national MP’s in low chambers) and economical elites (presidents of corporations, general managers…) and, at the same time, among three countries: Germany as an original member of the European Union; Spain, incorporated in 1986; and a new member, Poland, joining the EU in 2004.

The political ecology of Jatropha plantations for biodiesel in Tamil Nadu, India

Jatropha curcas is promoted internationally for its presumed agronomic viability in marginal lands, economic returns for small farmers, and lack of competition with food crops. However, empirical results from a study in southern India revealed that Jatropha cultivation, even on agricultural lands, is neither profitable, nor pro-poor. We use a political ecology framework to analyze both the discourse promoting Jatropha cultivation and its empirical consequences. We deconstruct the shaky premises of the dominant discourse of Jatropha as a “pro-poor” and “pro-wasteland” development crop, a discourse that paints a win-win picture between poverty alleviation, natural resource regeneration, and energy security goals. We then draw from field-work on Jatropha plantations in the state of Tamil Nadu to show how Jatropha cultivation favors resource-rich farmers, while possibly reinforcing existing processes of marginalization of small and marginal farmers.