37 resultados para Government – Public Policies


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Proyecto de investigación realizado a partir de una estancia en el Centre of Criminology de la University of Toronto, Canadà, entre 2006 y 2008. El miedo al delito como ámbito temático lleva 40 años de andadura y cuenta con cientos de investigaciones en su acervo. Dicha subdisciplina ha utilizado la expresión “miedo al delito” para referirse a un conjunto de conceptos académicos que ella misma va desarrollando, así como a lo que considera una experiencia subjetiva que pretende estudiar. Tanto el concepto como la experiencia han sido vagamente catalogados de respuesta emocional frente al delito o imágenes asociadas a éste. A pesar de los estudios más empíricos y de las teorías más positivistas, que tratan el miedo al delito como un fenómeno que puede ser medido y a cuyo conocimiento nos podemos ir aproximando cada vez con mayor precisión, con el trabajo de este proyecto se puede concluir que el miedo al delito constituye un elemento semántico-conceptual de las categorías académica y popular de delito. Los enfoques culturalistas o hermenéuticos han apuntado esta cuestión pero, simultáneamente, han seguido admitiendo la complementariedad entre enfoques. En principio, admitir el valor constitutivo del miedo al delito en la noción de delito parece que no excluye la necesidad de conocer si los temores a ser víctima de un delito han aumentado en nuestra ciudad, ni el saber por qué ello ha sido así. Apropiarse de tales saberes tal vez sea la única forma de aislar factores discretos que puedan ser manipulados en políticas públicas para erradicar el temor cuyo incremento se supone verificado con las mediciones. Sin embargo, puesto que lo registrado han sido actitudes cognitivas y no emociones, los eventuales programas de intervención deberían ser ideados en el mejor de los casos, con la misma complejidad que la propia formación de creencias lo que lo haría inoperativo. Acción bianual.

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Research in business dynamics has been advancing rapidly in the last years but the translation of the new knowledge to industrial policy design is slow. One striking aspect in the policy area is that although research and analysis do not identify the existence of an specific optimal rate of business creation and business exit, governments everywhere have adopted business start-up support programs with the implicit principle that the more the better. The purpose of this article is to contribute to understand the implications of the available research for policy design. Economic analysis has identified firm heterogeneity as being the most salient characteristic of industrial dynamics, and so a better knowledge of the different types of entrepreneur, their behavior and their specific contribution to innovation and growth would enable us to see into the ‘black box’ of business dynamics and improve the design of appropriate public policies. The empirical analysis performed here shows that not all new business have the same impact on relevant economic variables, and that self-employment is of quite a different economic nature to that of firms with employees. It is argued that public programs should not promote indiscriminate entry but rather give priority to able entrants with survival capacities. Survival of entrants is positively related to their size at birth. Innovation and investment improve the likelihood of survival of new manufacturing start-ups. Investment in R&D increases the risk of failure in new firms, although it improves the competitiveness of incumbents.

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This research explores critical environmental concepts from the standpoint of political ecology. It contrasts the Ecuadorian Kichua indigenous concept of Sumak Kawsay (i.e., living well), with discourses about natural, urban and rural areas. Sumak Kawsay was included in Ecuador’s 2008 constitution as an alternative to the neoclassical idea of development. This work reveals interesting insights from a variety of social and political viewpoints from both rural and urban areas. The research is based on the medium sized city of Cuenca, which is located in the southern Ecuadorian Andes. We used an adaptation of the Q Method to investigate stakeholders’ perceptions. Four remarkably well-defined viewpoints were revealed. Although these views contrast strongly with Sumak Kawsay, it is possible to transform this paradigm in the foundation of Cuenca’s public policies and institutional structure.

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Multipliers are routinely used for impact evaluation of private projects and public policies at the national and subnational levels. Oosterhaven and Stelder (2002) correctly pointed out the misuse of standard 'gross' multipliers and proposed the concept of 'net' multiplier as a solution to this bad practice. We prove their proposal is not well founded. We do so by showing that supporting theorems are faulty in enunciation and demonstration. The proofs are flawed due to an analytical error but the theorems themselves cannot be salvaged as generic, non-curiosum counterexamples demonstrate. We also provide a general analytical framework for multipliers and, using it, we show that standard 'gross' multipliers are all that is needed within the interindustry model since they follow the causal logic of the economic model, are well defined and independent of exogenous shocks, and are interpretable as predictors for change.

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Les investigacions mostren que en la majoria dels països hi ha diferències significatives en el rendiment escolar entre els estudiants estrangers i els seus companys nadius. També indiquen que, tot i tenir una actitud més positiva cap a l'escola i aspiracions més elevades, els joves estrangers obtenen pitjors resultats i les seves aspiracions disminueixen amb el temps d'estada. I, especialment entre certs grups, no hi ha una millora en els seus resultats acadèmics. No obstant això, la literatura de recerca sobre migracions i educació també mostra com es distribueixen les oportunitats com les polítiques públiques -educatives - i l'estructura i cultura escolar col•laboren en la construcció de les trajectòries dels i les joves de minories. Ara bé, aquestes tendències no poden invisibilitzar les trajectòries d'èxit escolar i la creixent participació social d'una part considerable de joves (nois i noies) d'ascendència marroquina en la societat catalana. Aquest informe mostra els resultats del projecte de recerca realitzat, que analitza les condicions i possibilitats per a l'èxit acadèmic i la continuïtat educativa entre aquests joves.L'anàlisi reconstrueix els factors centrals que han permès el desenvolupament d'aquestes trajectòries i la consolidació d'aspiracions acadèmiques de llarga durada.

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When one wishes to implement public policies, there is a previous need of comparing different actions and valuating and evaluating them to assess their social attractiveness. Recently the concept of well-being has been proposed as a multidimensional proxy for measuring societal prosperity and progress; a key research topic is then on how we can measure and evaluate this plurality of dimensions for policy decisions. This paper defends the thesis articulated in the following points: 1. Different metrics are linked to different objectives and values. To use only one measurement unit (on the grounds of the so-called commensurability principle) for incorporating a plurality of dimensions, objectives and values, implies reductionism necessarily. 2. Point 1) can be proven as a matter of formal logic by drawing on the work of Geach about moral philosophy. This theoretical demonstration is an original contribution of this article. Here the distinction between predicative and attributive adjectives is formalised and definitions are provided. Predicative adjectives are further distinguished into absolute and relative ones. The new concepts of set commensurability and rod commensurability are introduced too. 3. The existence of a plurality of social actors, with interest in the policy being assessed, causes that social decisions involve multiple types of values, of which economic efficiency is only one. Therefore it is misleading to make social decisions based only on that one value. 4. Weak comparability of values, which is grounded on incommensurability, is proved to be the main methodological foundation of policy evaluation in the framework of well-being economics. Incommensurability does not imply incomparability; on the contrary incommensurability is the only rational way to compare societal options under a plurality of policy objectives. 5. Weak comparability can be implemented by using multi-criteria evaluation, which is a formal framework for applied consequentialism under incommensurability. Social Multi-Criteria Evaluation, in particular, allows considering both technical and social incommensurabilities simultaneously.

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En este artículo se aportan algunos de los resultados preliminares de mi tesis doctoral: “Las políticas públicas de la televisión digital terrestre en la Unión Europea. Estudio comparado de Suecia y España”. Mediante el análisis de las estructuras institucionales implicadas en la transición analógico-digital de la plataforma de difusión terrestre, sus lógicas legitimadoras y las estrategias desarrolladas, se pretende contribuir a la identificación de buenas prácticas y de factores clave de éxito que ayuden a diseñar políticas públicas más efectivas.

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Education and health policy are two of the public policies, which in Spain have been assigned to the Autonomous Communities (AC). This transfer of powers could be considered a proof for the strong “self-rule” of the AC, which in turn shows that Spain could be classified as a federal state. In the following analysis the authors in some parts disagree with that conclusion, showing that considering the education area Spain is “heavy at the top”. Due to the state’s exclusive power to regulate the basic conditions guaranteeing the equality of all Spanish citizens, the important and final decisions are taken at the center through the framework legislation. The AC play a minor role in the legislation process, they have to adopt the center decisions. De-centralization and extension of the framework legislation are highly connected: The central state reacted with strong framework legislation to the stages of the educational decentralization process. In addition, the concentration of important framing powers within the central state does not make educational reforms more infrequent. However, such reforms are the results of a competition between the parties, and not between the AC or between the AC and the central state

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The responsiveness of long-term household debt to the interest rate is acrucial parameter for assessing the effectiveness of public policies aimedat promoting specific types of saving. This paper estimates the effect ofa reform of Credito Bonificado, a large program in Portugal that subsidizedmortgage interest rates, on long-term household debt. The reform establisheda ceiling in the price of the house that could be financed through theprogram, and provides plausibly exogenous variation in incentives. Usinga unique dataset of matched household survey data and administrative recordsof debt, we document a large decrease in the probability of signing a newloan after the removal of the subsidy.

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Many political economic theories use and emphasize the process of votingin their explanation of the growth of Social Security, governmentspending, and other public policies. But is there an empirical connectionbetween democracy and Social Security program size or design? Using somenew international data sets to produce both country-panel econometricestimates as well as case studies of South American and southern Europeancountries, we find that Social Security policy varies according toeconomic and demographic factors, but that very different politicalhistories can result in the same Social Security policy. We find littlepartial effect of democracy on the size of Social Security budgets, onhow those budgets are allocated, or how economic and demographic factorsaffect Social Security. If there is any observed difference, democraciesspend a little less of their GDP on Social Security, grow their budgetsa bit more slowly, and cap their payroll tax more often, than doeconomically and demographically similar nondemocracies. Democracies andnondemocracies are equally likely to have benefit formulas inducingretirement and, conditional on GDP per capita, equally likely to induceretirement with a retirement test vs. an earnings test.

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In this paper we analyse some of the organisational aspects of the urban solid waste collection and, in particular, the privatization modality of contracting out. We start by discussing some of the theoretical aspects of contracting out. We then specify and estimate an explanatory model on a sample of municipalities that we surveyed. Our purpose is twofold: on the one hand, we identify the economic factors at work when deciding to contract out the service and, on the other hand, we analyse the role of ideological factors in choosing between the public production of the service or contracting it out. The results show a significant effect of the demand for waste collection on contracting out. There also appears to be a neighbouring effect as the municipalities close to other cities that contract out are also more prone to do so. Finally, the decisions to contract seem to have been motivated by pragmatic rather than ideological reasons.

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In this paper we analyse some of the organisational aspects of the urban solid waste collection and, in particular, the privatization modality of contracting out. We start by discussing some of the theoretical aspects of contracting out. We then specify and estimate an explanatory model on a sample of municipalities that we surveyed. Our purpose is twofold: on the one hand, we identify the economic factors at work when deciding to contract out the service and, on the other hand, we analyse the role of ideological factors in choosing between the public production of the service or contracting it out. The results show a significant effect of the demand for waste collection on contracting out. There also appears to be a neighbouring effect as the municipalities close to other cities that contract out are also more prone to do so. Finally, the decisions to contract seem to have been motivated by pragmatic rather than ideological reasons.

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En el marco de la discusión académica está emergiendo con fuerza la necesidad de abordar la interacción entre distintas desigualdades en el diseño e implementación de políticas públicas, siendo el enfoque interseccional una propuesta teórica muy interesante. Se detecta, sin embargo, que hacen falta más análisis empíricos que permitan dar cuenta de los avances y obstáculos con que se encuentran las políticas públicas para implementar la interseccionalidad entre diversas desigualdades. En este artículo analizamos las recientes políticas de igualdad LGTB, centrándonos en el caso catalán, para ver cómo adoptan la relación entre desigualdades, y detectar cuáles son los factores clave que interfieren en la implementación de un modelo interseccional.

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Strategic management is based upon a performance measurement system that allows gearing decision making towards accomplishing the established objectives.In a changing economic situation, the measurement of the effects of tourism is fundamental in order to know the efficiency and sustainability of that industry and of the territory in which takes place its activity. We propose a performance measurement system for the sustainable management of a tourism destination, so it will support the adoption of public policies and their follow-up, and as an instrument that will promote the responsible participation of the stakeholders with stakes in the destination. In accordance with the guidelines of the Agenda for a sustainable and competitive European tourism, we design a system based on the identification of the axes over which hinges the success of the management of tourism destinations, taking into account the long-term sustainability of this activity. We position the performance measurement system, and especially the balanced scorecard, as a support tool for the strategic planning of destinations. To the extent that this is possible, the performance measures are selected and structured according to the patterns of the balanced scorecard. Finally, we apply the conceptual model to the central Costa Brava

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The Free Open Source Software (FOSS) seem far from the military field but in some cases, some technologies normally used for civilian purposes may have military applications. These products and technologies are called dual-use. Can we manage to combine FOSS and dual-use products? On one hand, we have to admit that this kind of association exists - dual-use software can be FOSS and many examples demonstrate this duality - but on the other hand, dual-use software available under free licenses lead us to ask many questions. For example, the dual-use export control laws aimed at stemming the proliferation of weapons of mass destruction. Dual-use export in United States (ITAR) and Europe (regulation 428/2009) implies as a consequence the prohibition or regulation of software exportation, involving the closing of source code. Therefore, the issues of exported softwares released under free licenses arises. If software are dual-use goods and serve for military purposes, they may represent a danger. By the rights granted to licenses to run, study, redistribute and distribute modified versions of the software, anyone can access the free dual-use software. So, the licenses themselves are not at the origin of the risk, it is actually linked to the facilitated access to source codes. Seen from this point of view, it goes against the dual-use regulation which allows states to control these technologies exportation. For this analysis, we will discuss about various legal questions and draft answers from either licenses or public policies in this respect.