Self-Construction, Cognitive Conflicts, and Disordered Eating Attitudes in Young Women

The aim of this study is to identify cognitive variables that predict disordered eating attitudes in a nonclinical sample composed of 50 female university students. Repertory grid technique was used to assess cognitive features of self-construing and cognitive conflicts. Drive for Thinness and Body Dissatisfaction scales from the Eating Disorder Inventory 2 were used as dependent variables, as previous studies suggested that high scores on these scales are associated with the risk of developing or aggravating eating syndromes. Results suggest that drive for thinness can be associated with cognitive conflicts, whereas body dissatisfaction may be higher for those who construct themselves as inadequate and similar to others. In addition, both dependent variables were predicted by being younger and having a higher body mass index.

Experiencias de la participación militar española en misiones internacionales (2000-2012)

Este estudio sobre las Fuerzas Armadas españolas aborda, mediante un centenar de entrevistas en profundidad, el análisis de las experiencias vividas en operaciones internacionales. Con ello se ha analizado el contacto con otros actores, su acomodo y comprensión de las normas de enfrentamiento, sus motivaciones, impresiones y experiencias, los rendimientos personales y grupales, el grado de cumplimiento de los objetivos de la misión y los problemas familiares y psicológicos que puedan haber generado la participación en una misión de este tipo. El resultado de este estudio de caso se integra en un estudio internacional comparado denominado Lessons Learned on Asymmmetric Warfare y auspiciado por el RC nº1 de ISA y el Working Group Military Profession de ERGOMAS.

Experiencias de la participación militar española en misiones internacionales (2000-2012)

Este estudio sobre las Fuerzas Armadas españolas aborda, mediante un centenar de entrevistas en profundidad, el análisis de las experiencias vividas en operaciones internacionales. Con ello se ha analizado el contacto con otros actores, su acomodo y comprensión de las normas de enfrentamiento, sus motivaciones, impresiones y experiencias, los rendimientos personales y grupales, el grado de cumplimiento de los objetivos de la misión y los problemas familiares y psicológicos que puedan haber generado la participación en una misión de este tipo. El resultado de este estudio de caso se integra en un estudio internacional comparado denominado Lessons Learned on Asymmmetric Warfare y auspiciado por el RC nº1 de ISA y el Working Group Military Profession de ERGOMAS.

Utilizar los juegos para aprender a resolver conflictos = Using games to learn and resolve conflicts

The characteristics of games make them excellent tools for multiple learning situations in the area of Physical Education, aswell as learning those necessary skills that allow students to handle social situations and especially conflicts. Understandingthat a conflict may be considered from a constructive perspective and that it may represent an excellent learningopportunity is a fundamental point. Games can help us in this task but it is important that the teacher knows theircharacteristics and which may be the most convenient in each educational moment

Ecological economics

Ecological economics is a recently developed field, which sees the economy as a subsystem of a larger finite global ecosystem. Ecological economists question the sustainability of the economy because of its environmental impacts and its material and energy requirements, and also because of the growth of population. Attempts at assigning money values to environmental services and losses, and attempts at correcting macroeconomic accounting, are part of ecological economics, but its main thrust is rather in developing physical indicators and indexes of sustainability. Ecological economists also work on the relations between property rights and resource management, they model the interactions between the economy and the environment, they study ecological distribution conflicts, they use management tools such as integrated environmental assessment and multi-criteria decision aids, and they propose new instruments of environmental policy.

The European Union Police Mission: The Beginning of a New Future for Bosnia and Herzegovina?

The creation, reform and/or restructuring of the police in post-conflict societies remains one of the key challenges for practitioners and scholars in the contemporary fields of peace and security, particularly due to the changing nature of conflicts. Since the 1990s the world has witnessed a proliferation of international police missions, with regional organisations gradually acquiring a prominent role. This paper analyses the 2003-2005 period of the European Union Police Mission (EUPM) in Bosnia and Herzegovina. Much is at stake in this mission, both in terms of the development of the EU´s external identity but also for Bosnia and Herzegovina’s road to EU membership and sustainable peace. This paper will argue that by 2005 the balance sheet was mixed. EUPM fell short of fulfilling its overall goal of ‘Europeanising’ Bosnian police services, and of its desire to be seen as providing that additional ingredient in police matters that would set it apart from the earlier UN mission. Nevertheless, despite its shortcomings, the Mission did not merit the harsh criticisms it was faced with. Its lack of success was not entirely the Mission’s doing. The paper focuses on three aspects: political and economic viability and sustainability, security levels in Bosnia and Herzegovina, and institution and capacity building. The explanatory framework used in this paper is based on the democratic policing discourse. In doing so the argument developed here will also shed light on the nature of so-called “best European practices” in police matters.

Business-science research collaboration under moral hazard

I analyze, in the context of business and science research collaboration, how the characteristics of partnership agreements are the result of an optimal contract between partners. The final outcome depends on the structure governing the partnership, and on the informational problems towards the efforts involved. The positive effect that the effort of each party has on the success of the other party, makes collaboration a preferred solution. Divergence in research goals may, however, create conflicts between partners. This paper shows how two different structures of partnership governance (a centralized, and a decentralized ones) may optimally use the type of project to motivate the supply of non-contractible efforts. Decentralized structure, however, always choose a project closer to its own preferences. Incentives may also come from monetary transfers, either from partners sharing each other benefits, or from public funds. I derive conditions under which public interventio

Treballadores, conflictivitat laboral i moviment obrer durant el franquisme a l'àrea de Barcelona

Dins del desenvolupament de la tesi “Treballadores, conflictivitat laboral i moviment obrer durant el franquisme a l’àrea de Barcelona”, aquesta recerca ha tractat d'omplir un buit a les investigacions sobre l'actuació de les dones contra el franquisme, interrelacionant la seva participació en protestes laborals i al moviment obrer, especialment a Comissions Obreres (CCOO). Per portar a terme la investigació, s'ha consultat documentació procedent de les organitzacions antifranquistes, de la policia i del Sindicat Vertical franquista, a part d'entrevistes a dones que van participar a la conflictivitat laboral i al moviment obrer durant el franquisme. S'ha iniciat la redacció de la tesi doctoral, que es presentarà el 2008. A partir de les fonts estudiades s'ha pogut constatar la importància de la participació de les dones a les protestes laborals entre 1946 i 1956, amb un escàs paper de les organitzacions antifranquistes. Posteriorment, la presència de dones a les protestes laborals va disminuir. A més, inicialment van estar poc presents a les CCOO. A partir de 1969 el nombre de dones militants a CCOO va augmentar, al igual que la proporció de dones implicades a la conflictivitat laboral. No obstant això, van ser escasses les dones a les estructures organitzatives de CCOO i les reivindicacions pròpies de les treballadores rarament van estar presents a les plataformes reivindicatives durant el franquisme.

Scheduling of straddle carriers in a container terminal

Report for the scientific sojourn at the University of California at Berkeley between September 2007 to February 2008. The globalization combined with the success of containerization has brought about tremendous increases in the transportation of containers across the world. This leads to an increasing size of container ships which causes higher demands on seaport container terminals and their equipment. In this situation, the success of container terminals resides in a fast transhipment process with reduced costs. For these reasons it is necessary to optimize the terminal’s processes. There are three main logistic processes in a seaport container terminal: loading and unloading of containerships, storage, and reception/deliver of containers from/to the hinterland. Moreover there is an additional process that ensures the interconnection between previous logistic activities: the internal transport subsystem. The aim of this paper is to optimize the internal transport cycle in a marine container terminal managed by straddle carriers, one of the most used container transfer technologies. Three sub-systems are analyzed in detail: the landside transportation, the storage of containers in the yard, and the quayside transportation. The conflicts and decisions that arise from these three subsystems are analytically investigated, and optimization algorithms are proposed. Moreover, simulation has been applied to TCB (Barcelona Container Terminal) to test these algorithms and compare different straddle carrier’s operation strategies, such as single cycle versus double cycle, and different sizes of the handling equipment fleet. The simulation model is explained in detail and the main decision-making algorithms from the model are presented and formulated.

Conflict prevention and decentralized governance: some remarks about the state of the art in theory and practice

Is there a link between decentralized governance and conflict prevention? This article tries to answer the question by presenting the state of the art of the intersection of both concepts. Provided that social conflict is inevitable and given the appearance of new threats and types of violence, as well as new demands for security based on people (human security), our societies should focus on promoting peaceful changes. Through an extensive analysis of the existing literature and the study of several cases, this paper suggests that decentralized governance can contribute to these efforts by transforming conflicts, bringing about power-sharing and inclusion incentives of minority groups. Albeit the complexity of assessing its impact on conflict prevention, it can be contended that decentralized governance might have very positive effects on the reduction of causes that bring about conflicts due to its ability to foster the creation of war/violence preventors. More specifically, this paper argues that decentralization can have a positive impact on the so-called triggers and accelerators (short- and medium-term causes).

Elections in 2009? Progress and obstacles in the construction of peace in the Ivory Coast

In 2002 in the Ivory Coast three months of armed conflict ended with the division of the country. Two regions were separated by an interposition line controlled by the French Forces Licorne. This significant peace process was maintained over time, but characterized for lack of mutual confidence and political immobility, which led to an impasse and the continuation of Laurent Gbagbo in the presidency. Moreover, the peace building process was less successful because the different political agreements failed to address some of the main national problems, such as land property and identity issues. The following paper aims first to analyze the main facts and causes that instigated the conflict since the coup d’état in 2002. Secondly, the paper will analyze the peace process and point out the key elements of the Ouagadougou Peace Agreement (2007): the creation of a new and unique armed forces structure, as well as the identification of the population and implementation of an electoral process. The main goal is to provide the International Catalan Institute for Peace (ICIP) a working tool in order to send an electoral observation mission to this African country by November 2009.

¿Elecciones en 2009? Avances y obstáculos de la construcción de paz en Costa de Marfil

Tres meses de conflicto armado en Côte d'Ivoire en 2002 acabaron con la división del país en dos regiones, separadas por una línea de separación controlada por las francesas Forces Licorne. El proceso de paz se alargó en el tiempo y se caracterizó por una falta de confianza mutua y por la inmovilidad política. Estos hechos desembocaron en una situación de impasse y en la permanencia de Laurent Gbagbo en la presidencia del país. Además, los diferentes acuerdos políticos no ayudaron al proceso de construcción de paz, ya que no trataban algunos de los problemas principales del país, como la propiedad de las tierras y la identidad. Este documento de trabajo aspira, en primer lugar, a analizar los hechos principales y las causas que originaron el conflicto desde el golpe de estado de 2002. En segundo lugar, el documento analiza el proceso de paz y señala los elementos clave del Acuerdo de Paz de Ouagadougou (2007): la creación de una estructura de fuerzas armadas nueva y única, así como la identificación de la población y la convocatoria de elecciones. El objetivo principal es proporcionar una herramienta de trabajo al Institut Català Internacional per la Pau (ICIP) para enviar una futura comisión de observación electoral a este país africano.

Eleccions al 2009? Avenços i obstacles de la construcció de pau a Costa d'Ivori

Tres mesos de conflicte armat a Côte d’Ivoire durant el 2002 acabaren amb la divisió del país en dues regions, separades per una línia d’interposició controlada per les franceses Forces Licorne. El procés de pau es perllongà en el temps i es caracteritzà per una manca de confiança mútua i per una immobilitat política. Aquests fets desembocaren en una situació d’impasse i en la permanència de Laurent Gbagbo a la presidència del país. A més, els diferents acords polítics no ajudaren el procés de construcció de pau, ja que no encaraven alguns dels problemes principals del país, com ara la propietat de les terres i els assumptes d’identitat. Aquest document de treball aspira, en primer lloc, a analitzar els fets principals i les causes que originaren el conflicte des del cop d’estat del 2002. En segon lloc, el document analitza el procés de pau i assenyala els elements clau de l’Acord de Pau d’Ouagadougou (2007): la creació d’una estructura de forces armades nova i única, així com la identificació de la població i la realització d’un procés electoral. L’objectiu principal és proporcionar una eina de treball a l’Institut Català Internacional per la Pau (ICIP) per enviar una missió d’observació electoral a aquest país africà el novembre de 2009.

Élections en 2009? Progrès et obstacles dans la construction de la paix en Côte d'Ivoire

Trois mois de conflit armé en Côte d’Ivoire pendant l’année 2002 finirent par provoquer la division du pays en deux régions, séparées par une ligne d’interposition contrôlée par les Forces Licorne françaises. Le processus de paix se prolongea dans le temps, caractérisé par un manque de confiance mutuelle et une immobilité politique. Ces faits ont débouché sur une situation d’impasse et la permanence de Laurent Gbagbo à la présidence du pays. De plus, les différents accords politiques n’aidèrent pas le processus de construction de la paix, puisqu’ils n’abordaient pas certains problèmes principaux du pays, comme par exemple la propriété des terres et les sujets concernant l’identité. Ce document de travail aspire, tout d’abord, à analyser les faits principaux et les causes qui provoquèrent le conflit à partir du coup d’état de 2002. En deuxième lieu, le document analyse le processus de paix et signale les éléments clé de l’Accord de Paix d’Ouagadougou (2007): la création d’une nouvelle et unique structure des forces armées, ainsi que l’identification de la population et la réalisation d’un processus électoral. L’objectif principal est de fournir un outil de travail à l’Institut Catalan International pour la Paix (ICIP) afin d’envoyer une mission d’observation électorale dans ce pays africain.

Incorporant els actors i el conflicte violent a la literatura sobre la migració forçosa: un model de la decisió de retornar

El desplaçament de poblacions a causa de conflictes violents s’ha convertit en una de les principals preocupacions humanitàries de les últimes dècades. També s’ha convertit en un assumpte polític de gran rellevància, que és percebut com un llast (en termes econòmics i de seguretat), però també com a peça important en la transició cap a un intervencionisme més gran en el sistema internacional, tant des d’una base humanitària com de seguretat. La importància d’aquests aspectes ha desviat l’atenció de l’anàlisi de les interaccions entre els processos de desplaçament i els conflictes violents que els provoquen. La literatura sobre els conflictes violents ha obviat aquestes interaccions, degut principalment a que els processos de desplaçament són considerats com meres reaccions definides per condicions estructurals. Aquest article parteix de la premissa que l’individu reté la seva capacitat decisiva en aquests processos i que es tracta d’una capacitat que té conseqüències. Per tant, és necessari introduir en l’anàlisi una perspectiva a nivell micro. Partint d’aquesta premissa, el text presenta un model de la decisió de retorn a nivell individual i també a nivell agregat. A més, permet identificar interconnexions fonamentals d’aquestes dinàmiques amb els conflictes violents. Finalment, l’article ofereix algunes conclusions rellevants per al cas de Bòsnia-Herzegovina i sobre les implicacions de la politització del retorn.