Contextual effects on subjective national identity and nationalist vote in Catalonia

The important inflow of foreign population to western countries has boosted the study of acculturation processes among scholars in the last decades. By using the case of Catalonia, a receiver region of international and national migration since the fifties, this paper seeks to intersect a classic acculturation model and a newly reemerging literature in political science on contextual determinants on individual behavior. Does the context matters for understanding individual’s subjective national identity and, therefore, its voting behavior? Multilevel models show that environment matters. Percentage of Spain-born population in the town is statistically significant to account for variance in the subjective national identity and nationalist vote, even after controlling for age, sex, origin, language and left – right orientation and other contextual factors. This conclusion invites researchers not to underestimate the direct effect of the environment on individual outcomes such as feelings of belonging and vote orientation in contexts of rival identities.

National Identity and the Preference for State Opting-Out in the Basque Country

We argue that preferences for secession are the expression of a common unobserved mechanisms determining national identity. This paper examines the hypothesis of independence of both preferences for secession (independent Euskadi) and Basque national identity in the light of Akerloff and Kranton (2000). We deal with psychological determinants of individuals' national identity formation as well as those that influence the propensity of individuals to support the secession of their perceived ¿imagined community¿ or nation.. We undertake econometric survey analysis for the Basque Country using a bivariate probit model and publicly available data from the Spanish Centre for Sociological Research. Our results provide robust evidence of a common determination of national identity and political preferences for the secession of the Basque Country consistently with Akerloff and Kranton model.

National Identity and the Preference for State Opting-Out in the Basque Country

We argue that preferences for secession are the expression of a common unobserved mechanisms determining national identity. This paper examines the hypothesis of independence of both preferences for secession (independent Euskadi) and Basque national identity in the light of Akerloff and Kranton (2000). We deal with psychological determinants of individuals' national identity formation as well as those that influence the propensity of individuals to support the secession of their perceived ¿imagined community¿ or nation.. We undertake econometric survey analysis for the Basque Country using a bivariate probit model and publicly available data from the Spanish Centre for Sociological Research. Our results provide robust evidence of a common determination of national identity and political preferences for the secession of the Basque Country consistently with Akerloff and Kranton model.

Identity, non-identity, and near-identity: Addressing the complexity of coreference

This article examines the mainstream categorical definition of coreference as "identity of reference." It argues that coreference is best handled when identity is treated as a continuum, ranging from full identity to non-identity, with room for near-identity relations to explain currently problematic cases. This middle ground is needed to account for those linguistic expressions in real text that stand in relations that are neither full coreference nor non-coreference, a situation that has led to contradictory treatment of cases in previous coreference annotation efforts. We discuss key issues for coreference such as conceptual categorization, individuation, criteria of identity, and the discourse model construct. We redefine coreference as a scalar relation between two (or more) linguistic expressions that refer to discourse entities considered to be at the same granularity level relevant to the linguistic and pragmatic context. We view coreference relations in terms of mental space theory and discuss a large number of real life examples that show near-identity at different degrees.

Identidad, percepción de vitalidad etnolingüística y comunicación intergrupal en Cataluña: An identity and ethnolinguistic perception vitality study in Catalonia

Catalan has drawn considerable attention given its impressive institutional support and increased usage since the restoration of the Generalitat of Catalonia. We report a study on 112 Catalan-speaking students who were administered the"subjective vitality questionnaire". Results show (and these are compared with reports 20 years ago) that it continues to gain momentum and status, even with the International stature of Spanish. The theoretical and pragmatic significance of these findings are discussed in terms of vitality"s role in shaping Language choices (Catalan vs. Castilian) in everyday communication as well as the societal level in forging Language policies for communicating in Catalan in business, political, educational, and media arenas

Repensando la relación entre la ley y la violencia hacia las mujeres. Una aproximación a los discursos de los/las agentes del ámbito judicial en relación a la ley integral de violencia de género en España = Rethinking the relationship between law and violence against women. an approach to the juridical agents' discourses in relation to the integral law of gender-based violence

Of the many dimensions of the problem of violence exercised by men toward women in the context of the relations of partner or ex partner, this article deals with the analysis of the discursive productions of the institutional actors that are part of the judicial process. Our intention is to investigate the relationship between criminal law and gender-based violence starting from the implementation of the Law of Integral Gender-based Violence in Spain (LO. 1 / 2004) from a theoretical perspective which includes contributions from social psychology, and socio-legal feminism. We have approached the legal instrument - the Law of Integral Gender-based Violence - through the discourse of legal officers with a perspective that questions the values, so often proclaimed, of universality, objectivity and neutrality of the law

Violence and displacement. Evidence from the Spanish civil war (1936-1939)

This paper explores the relationship between violence and displacement during civil war focusing on two different forms of population movements (i.e. incoming and outgoing), and two different forms of violence (i.e. direct and indirect). The paper explores the relationship between displacement and violence at the local level in the context of a civil war fought conventionally using fine-grained data from 1,062 municipalities of the region of Catalonia during the Spanish Civil War (1936-1939). First, the paper suggests that exogenous and endogenous to the war factors combine to generate patterns of resettlement. Second, the evidence indicates that, in acivil war context, refugee flows and violence are interrelated in multiple ways: the arrival of internal refugees in a locality promotes the perpetration of direct violence against civilians; this, in turn, triggers the departure of people from the locality when the other group approaches. Third, indirect violence (i.e. bombings) shows to be the most significant factor accounting for external displacement at the local level, suggesting that bombing can serve as a strong signal for civilians of the type of armed group they are facing. Finally, the Spanish case suggests that the demographic changes provoked by displacement, combined with the lethality of the conflict, are likely to have long-term political consequences.

Identidad nacional, lengua y escuela = National identity, language and school

La globalización cuestiona la existencia de una relación mimética entre ciudadanía y Estado-nación. Las identidades homogéneas, sustentadas ideológicamente en nociones como «lengua nacional», plantean problemas en sociedades en las que ha crecido espectacularmente la diversidad lingüística e identitaria. Cataluña es un territorio en el que una parte de la población afirma una identidad catalana distinta a la española y viceversa. Además, se ha teorizado que la identidad catalana y la lengua catalana coexisten mutuamente. Por eso, se suceden voces que defienden la presencia del catalán en la educación escolar como fuente de la identidad nacional catalana, mientras que otras voces defienden su presencia simplemente como una buena manera de aprender el catalán cuando no se puede aprender en el medio social y familiar. En los últimos años, Cataluña ha recibido casi un millón de personas extranjeras que han modificado notablemente su situación sociolingüística. Las últimas encuestas manifiestan que un 6,3% de la población utiliza habitualmente una lengua distinta del catalán y del castellano. En este marco, mostramos las construcciones identitarias de un grupo de adolescentes de origen extranjero que están en el segundo ciclo de la ESO. Los datos fueron recogidos mediante dos grupos de discusión de seis-siete estudiantes de distinto origen, lengua propia y tiempo de residencia en Cataluña. Los resultados muestran la importancia del lugar de origen en la construcción de la identidad. Además, los participantes que afirman sentimientos catalanes o españoles no los relacionan con la lengua sino con los intercambios sociales que han establecido con sus iguales de origen naciona. Las intervenciones muestran también las dificultades para promover identidades múltiples desde el contexto escolar que eviten actitudes racistas y xenófobas y sirvan para promover proyectos colectivos de futuro en los que se pueda vivir desde una cierta diferencia

Violencia doméstica: sexo y género en las teorías psicosociales sobre la violencia. Hacia otras propuestas de comprensión e intervención = Domestic violence: sex and gender in psychosocial theories about violence. New approach to it comprehension and intervention

En el artículo se presenta la violencia doméstica como violencia política de género masculino. Se señalan el individualismo, la naturalización y el sexismo en el tratamiento de la violencia y la agresión así como de la identidad, por parte de la psicología tradicional, como factores que dificultan las intervenciones en la violencia doméstica. Los prejuicios, valores y estrategias de la sociedad patriarcal continúan influyendo en ellas. Desde la psicología crítica feminista se propone: a) una comprensión de la subjetividad, la diferencia sexo-género y la violencia como construcciones sociales; b) intervenciones menos autoritarias y que no participen en la reproducción del orden social; c) la incorporación de las resistencias desarrolladas; d) un análisis basado en las relaciones de poder y las prácticas discursivas

Amartya Sen: Les racines globales de la démocratie. Pourquoi la liberté n"est pas une invention de l"Occident. Payot & Rivages, Paris, 2005

Según Amartya Sen,"la lucha por generalizar el modelo democrático en el mundo entero es el más grande desafío de nuestro tiempo". Sin embargo, continúa Sen, no sólo los secuestradores del proyecto democrático suponen un obstáculo para la realización de dicho proyecto, sino también dos críticas infundadas que suelen realizarse contra él.

The Peace Processes in the Basque Country and Northern Ireland (1994-2006): a Comparative Approach

The peace process in Northern Ireland demonstrates that new sovereignty formulas need to be explored in order to meet the demands of the populations and territories in conflict. The profound transformation of the classic symbolic elements of the nation-state within the context of the European Union has greatly contributed to the prospects for a resolution of this old conflict. Today’s discussions are focused on the search for instruments of shared sovereignty that are adapted to a complex and plural social reality. This new approach for finding a solution to the Irish conflict is particularly relevant to the Basque debate about formulating creative and modern solutions to similar conflicts over identity and sovereignty. The notion of shared sovereignty implemented in Northern Ireland –a formula for complex interdependent relations– is of significant relevance to the broader international community and is likely to become an increasingly potent and transcendent model for conflict resolution and peace building.

Can You Home Again? Desertion and Control of Hometowns in Civil Wars

What allows an armed group in a civil war to prevent desertion? This paper addresses this question with a focus on control in the rearguard. Most past studies focus on motivations for desertion. They explain desertion in terms of where soldiers stand in relation to the macro themes of the war, or in terms of an inability to provide positive incentives to overcome the collective action problem. However, since individuals decide whether and how to participate in civil wars for multiple reasons, responding to a variety of local conditions in an environment of threat and violence, a focus only on macro-level motivations is incomplete. The opportunities side of the ledger deserves more attention. I therefore turn my attention to how control by an armed group eliminates soldiers’ opportunities to desert. In particular, I consider the control that an armed group maintains over soldiers’ hometowns, treating geographic terrain as an important exogenous indicator of the ease of control. Rough terrain at home affords soldiers and their families and friends advantages in ease of hiding, the difficulty of using force, and local knowledge. Based on an original dataset of soldiers from Santander Province in the Spanish Civil War, gathered from archival sources, I find statistical evidence that the rougher the terrain in a soldier’s home municipality, the more likely he is to desert. I find complementary qualitative evidence indicating that soldiers from rough-terrain communities took active advantage of their greater opportunities for evasion. This finding has important implications for the way observers interpret different soldiers’ decisions to desert or remain fighting, for the prospect that structural factors may shape the cohesion of armed groups, and for the possibility that local knowledge may be a double-edged sword, making soldiers simultaneously good at fighting and good at deserting.

The analysis of the framing processes of the Basque peace movement: The way Lokarri and Gesto por la Paz changed society

During more than 20 years organisations like Gesto por la Paz and Lokarri had been trying to change the social approach to violence, instilling values of peace and dialogue. This working paper defends the idea that the work of these two organisations is key to understand the end of ETA violence and the lack of support that political violence has in the Basque Country. It develops the Basque peace frame generated by this movement and explains how this frame is present in the different levels of Basque society, changing the way political collective identities are negotiated in the Basque Country. Ultimately, their effort is to propose another way of doing politics, one where nationalism and violence are not intrinsically united, escaping from the polarization and confrontation that were in place during the 80s-90s.

Autonomía comunitaria y caciquismo: identidad étnica, control social y violencia en una comunidad mixe de Oaxaca

La etnografía de la comunidad mixe de Salto de la Tuxpana y del grave conflicto que se produjo entre 2005 y 2007 es el punto de partida del presente artículo. La investigación realizada arrojó como resultado más destacado el descubrimiento de un violento cacicazgo, legitimado ideológicamente en la autonomía comunitaria, la identidad étnica y el reclamo de una jurisdicción propia, y asentado firmemente sobre tres mecanismos de control social: protección a través de la Policía Comunitaria Armada, acceso a la tierra y acceso a los programas de «desarrollo». El caciquismo se define como el régimen político personalista, basado en estructuras clientelares, que monopoliza y controla recursos y votos. También se propone la hipótesis de que la mayor parte de la violencia desplegada por los caciques es el resultado del proceso de reproducción social del mismo sistema político, cuando se genera una faccionalización simétrica de la comunidad, después de un periodo de estabilidad complementaria.

Proteostasis of aging and stem cells

Estudi realitzat a partir d’una estada a la the Salk Institute, Estats Units, entre 2010 i 2012. L'estabilitat del genoma és essencial per a la supervivència de les cèl • lules mare, però, l'estabilitat del proteoma pot tenir un paper igualment important en la identitat de cèl • lules mare i la seva funció. La nostra hipòtesi és que les cèl • lules mare tenen la capacitat de proteostasis augmentada en comparació amb els seus homòlegs diferenciats i ens varem preguntar si l'activitat del proteasoma és diferent a les cèl • lules mare embrionàries humanes (hESCs). En particular, els nostres resultats mostren que les poblacions de cèl• lules mare presenten una activitat del proteasoma que es correlaciona amb majors nivells de la subunitat 19S del proteasoma PSMD11/RPN-6 i un corresponent augment del ensamblatge del 26S/30S proteasoma. L'expressió ectòpica de PSMD11 és suficient per augmentar l'activitat del proteasoma. Sorprenentment, varem trobar que la llarga vida del GLP-1 C. elegans mutant té també un augment dramàtic en l'activitat del proteasoma associat a nivells augmentats en l'expressió de RPN-6. El factor de transcripció DAF-16 és essencial per l'augment de la longevitat de GLP-1 i els cucs mutants que trobem DAF-16 necessari per a l'augment d'expressió de RPN-6 i, per tant, per l'activació de l'activitat del proteasoma en GLP-1 mutant animals. Una possibilitat interessant és que els gens que regulen la vida i la resistència a l'estrès en C. elegans poden també regular la funció hESCs de mamífer, cèl • lules que son considerades immortals. Aquests resultats ens van portar a la conclusió de que FOXO4, un factor de transcripció sensible a la insulina/IGF-1, regula l'activitat del proteasoma en hESCs, el que suggereix un paper per FOXO4 en la funció d’aquestes cèl • lules. En efecte, FOXO4 es necessari per a la diferenciació en llinatges neuronals de les hESCs. Els nostres resultats estableixen una nova regulació de laproteostasis en hESCs que uneix la longevitat i la resistència a l'estrès en invertebrats amb la funció i identitat de les hESCs.