Reseña de 'Problemas fundamentales de la gramática del español como 2/L', de María Luz Gutiérrez Araus

'Problemas fundamentales de la gramática del español como 2/L' es un volumen que apreciarán y agradecerán todos aquellos profesores o futuros profesores y aprendices de nivel superior que cuenten con un bagaje formativo filológico-lingüístico, ya que el metalenguaje que se emplea en las explicaciones y en los epígrafes hará sentir cómodo y seguro a este tipo de lector, hispanista, ya acostumbrado a reflexionar sobre la lengua española pero que necesita aprender a analizarla desde la perspectiva de quien no la tiene como lengua materna.

Investigar la relación entre la detección de glucosa en el fluido aspirado a través del catéter epidural y la aparición posterior de cefalea

En 33 mujeres en trabajo de parto se realiza analgesia epidural hasta el momento del parto. Una vez finalizado éste, se procede a la retirada del catéter epidural realizando al mismo tiempo una aspiración continua. El fluido obtenido es analizado con un glucómetro digital para averiguar si contiene glucosa, que indicaría su procedencia intrarraquídea. Se relaciona la presencia o no de glucosa con la aparición posterior de cefalea.

En torno a los efectos de la edad en el aprendizaje escolar de una lengua extrangera

The purpose of this article is to treat a currently much debated issue, the effects of age on second language learning. To do so, we contrast data collected by our research team from over one thousand seven hundred young and adult learners with four popular beliefs or generalizations, which, while deeply rooted in this society, are not always corroborated by our data.Two of these generalizations about Second Language Acquisition (languages spoken in the social context) seem to be widely accepted: a) older children, adolescents and adults are quicker and more efficient at the first stages of learning than are younger learners; b) in a natural context children with an early start are more liable to attain higher levels of proficiency. However, in the context of Foreign Language Acquisition, the context in which we collect the data, this second generalization is difficult to verify due to the low number of instructional hours (a maximum of some 800 hours) and the lower levels of language exposure time provided. The design of our research project has allowed us to study differences observed with respect to the age of onset (ranging from 2 to 18+), but in this article we focus on students who began English instruction at the age of 8 (LOGSE Educational System) and those who began at the age of 11 (EGB). We have collected data from both groups after a period of 200 (Time 1) and 416 instructional hours (Time 2), and we are currently collecting data after a period of 726 instructional hours (Time 3). We have designed and administered a variety of tests: tests on English production and reception, both oral and written, and within both academic and communicative oriented approaches, on the learners' L1 (Spanish and Catalan), as well as a questionnaire eliciting personal and sociolinguistic information. The questions we address and the relevant empirical evidence are as follows: 1. "For young children, learning languages is a game. They enjoy it more than adults."Our data demonstrate that the situation is not quite so. Firstly, both at the levels of Primary and Secondary education (ranging from 70.5% in 11-year-olds to 89% in 14-year-olds) students have a positive attitude towards learning English. Secondly, there is a difference between the two groups with respect to the factors they cite as responsible for their motivation to learn English: the younger students cite intrinsic factors, such as the games they play, the methodology used and the teacher, whereas the older students cite extrinsic factors, such as the role of their knowledge of English in the achievement of their future professional goals. 2 ."Young children have more resources to learn languages." Here our data suggest just the opposite. The ability to employ learning strategies (actions or steps used) increases with age. Older learners' strategies are more varied and cognitively more complex. In contrast, younger learners depend more on their interlocutor and external resources and therefore have a lower level of autonomy in their learning. 3. "Young children don't talk much but understand a lot"This third generalization does seem to be confirmed, at least to a certain extent, by our data in relation to the analysis of differences due to the age factor and productive use of the target language. As seen above, the comparably slower progress of the younger learners is confirmed. Our analysis of interpersonal receptive abilities demonstrates as well the advantage of the older learners. Nevertheless, with respect to passive receptive activities (for example, simple recognition of words or sentences) no great differences are observed. Statistical analyses suggest that in this test, in contrast to the others analyzed, the dominance of the subjects' L1s (reflecting a cognitive capacity that grows with age) has no significant influence on the learning process. 4. "The sooner they begin, the better their results will be in written language"This is not either completely confirmed in our research. First of all, we perceive that certain compensatory strategies disappear only with age, but not with the number of instructional hours. Secondly, given an identical number of instructional hours, the older subjects obtain better results. With respect to our analysis of data from subjects of the same age (12 years old) but with a different number of instructional hours (200 and 416 respectively, as they began at the ages of 11 and 8), we observe that those who began earlier excel only in the area of lexical fluency. In conclusion, the superior rate of older learners appears to be due to their higher level of cognitive development, a factor which allows them to benefit more from formal or explicit instruction in the school context. Younger learners, however, do not benefit from the quantity and quality of linguistic exposure typical of a natural acquisition context in which they would be allowed to make use of implicit learning abilities. It seems clear, then, that the initiative in this country to begin foreign language instruction earlier will have positive effects only if it occurs in combination with either higher levels of exposure time to the foreign language, or, alternatively, with its use as the language of instruction in other areas of the curriculum.

"When I have holidays": Influència entre llengües i producció escrita. Un estudi amb aprenents adults d'anglès com a llengua estrangera

En aquest article presentem una proposta de tipologia de la transferència lèxica en la producció escrita per tal d¿analitzar la incidència que té en adults aprenents d¿anglès com a llengua estrangera i veure les possibles relacions entre els tipus de transferència i el nivell de competència en anglès, així com les interrelacions entre les llengües prèvies (materna/es) i segones i l¿anglès. Els resultats mostren una influència important de la primera llengua en l¿aprenentatge de les altres i, en el cas dels aprenents bilingües que aprenen una tercera o quarta llengua, influències interessants entre totes les llengües.

En torno a los efectos de la edad en el aprendizaje escolar de una lengua extrangera

The purpose of this article is to treat a currently much debated issue, the effects of age on second language learning. To do so, we contrast data collected by our research team from over one thousand seven hundred young and adult learners with four popular beliefs or generalizations, which, while deeply rooted in this society, are not always corroborated by our data.Two of these generalizations about Second Language Acquisition (languages spoken in the social context) seem to be widely accepted: a) older children, adolescents and adults are quicker and more efficient at the first stages of learning than are younger learners; b) in a natural context children with an early start are more liable to attain higher levels of proficiency. However, in the context of Foreign Language Acquisition, the context in which we collect the data, this second generalization is difficult to verify due to the low number of instructional hours (a maximum of some 800 hours) and the lower levels of language exposure time provided. The design of our research project has allowed us to study differences observed with respect to the age of onset (ranging from 2 to 18+), but in this article we focus on students who began English instruction at the age of 8 (LOGSE Educational System) and those who began at the age of 11 (EGB). We have collected data from both groups after a period of 200 (Time 1) and 416 instructional hours (Time 2), and we are currently collecting data after a period of 726 instructional hours (Time 3). We have designed and administered a variety of tests: tests on English production and reception, both oral and written, and within both academic and communicative oriented approaches, on the learners' L1 (Spanish and Catalan), as well as a questionnaire eliciting personal and sociolinguistic information. The questions we address and the relevant empirical evidence are as follows: 1. "For young children, learning languages is a game. They enjoy it more than adults."Our data demonstrate that the situation is not quite so. Firstly, both at the levels of Primary and Secondary education (ranging from 70.5% in 11-year-olds to 89% in 14-year-olds) students have a positive attitude towards learning English. Secondly, there is a difference between the two groups with respect to the factors they cite as responsible for their motivation to learn English: the younger students cite intrinsic factors, such as the games they play, the methodology used and the teacher, whereas the older students cite extrinsic factors, such as the role of their knowledge of English in the achievement of their future professional goals. 2 ."Young children have more resources to learn languages." Here our data suggest just the opposite. The ability to employ learning strategies (actions or steps used) increases with age. Older learners' strategies are more varied and cognitively more complex. In contrast, younger learners depend more on their interlocutor and external resources and therefore have a lower level of autonomy in their learning. 3. "Young children don't talk much but understand a lot"This third generalization does seem to be confirmed, at least to a certain extent, by our data in relation to the analysis of differences due to the age factor and productive use of the target language. As seen above, the comparably slower progress of the younger learners is confirmed. Our analysis of interpersonal receptive abilities demonstrates as well the advantage of the older learners. Nevertheless, with respect to passive receptive activities (for example, simple recognition of words or sentences) no great differences are observed. Statistical analyses suggest that in this test, in contrast to the others analyzed, the dominance of the subjects' L1s (reflecting a cognitive capacity that grows with age) has no significant influence on the learning process. 4. "The sooner they begin, the better their results will be in written language"This is not either completely confirmed in our research. First of all, we perceive that certain compensatory strategies disappear only with age, but not with the number of instructional hours. Secondly, given an identical number of instructional hours, the older subjects obtain better results. With respect to our analysis of data from subjects of the same age (12 years old) but with a different number of instructional hours (200 and 416 respectively, as they began at the ages of 11 and 8), we observe that those who began earlier excel only in the area of lexical fluency. In conclusion, the superior rate of older learners appears to be due to their higher level of cognitive development, a factor which allows them to benefit more from formal or explicit instruction in the school context. Younger learners, however, do not benefit from the quantity and quality of linguistic exposure typical of a natural acquisition context in which they would be allowed to make use of implicit learning abilities. It seems clear, then, that the initiative in this country to begin foreign language instruction earlier will have positive effects only if it occurs in combination with either higher levels of exposure time to the foreign language, or, alternatively, with its use as the language of instruction in other areas of the curriculum.

En torno a los efectos de la edad en el aprendizaje escolar de una lengua extrangera

The purpose of this article is to treat a currently much debated issue, the effects of age on second language learning. To do so, we contrast data collected by our research team from over one thousand seven hundred young and adult learners with four popular beliefs or generalizations, which, while deeply rooted in this society, are not always corroborated by our data.Two of these generalizations about Second Language Acquisition (languages spoken in the social context) seem to be widely accepted: a) older children, adolescents and adults are quicker and more efficient at the first stages of learning than are younger learners; b) in a natural context children with an early start are more liable to attain higher levels of proficiency. However, in the context of Foreign Language Acquisition, the context in which we collect the data, this second generalization is difficult to verify due to the low number of instructional hours (a maximum of some 800 hours) and the lower levels of language exposure time provided. The design of our research project has allowed us to study differences observed with respect to the age of onset (ranging from 2 to 18+), but in this article we focus on students who began English instruction at the age of 8 (LOGSE Educational System) and those who began at the age of 11 (EGB). We have collected data from both groups after a period of 200 (Time 1) and 416 instructional hours (Time 2), and we are currently collecting data after a period of 726 instructional hours (Time 3). We have designed and administered a variety of tests: tests on English production and reception, both oral and written, and within both academic and communicative oriented approaches, on the learners' L1 (Spanish and Catalan), as well as a questionnaire eliciting personal and sociolinguistic information. The questions we address and the relevant empirical evidence are as follows: 1. "For young children, learning languages is a game. They enjoy it more than adults."Our data demonstrate that the situation is not quite so. Firstly, both at the levels of Primary and Secondary education (ranging from 70.5% in 11-year-olds to 89% in 14-year-olds) students have a positive attitude towards learning English. Secondly, there is a difference between the two groups with respect to the factors they cite as responsible for their motivation to learn English: the younger students cite intrinsic factors, such as the games they play, the methodology used and the teacher, whereas the older students cite extrinsic factors, such as the role of their knowledge of English in the achievement of their future professional goals. 2 ."Young children have more resources to learn languages." Here our data suggest just the opposite. The ability to employ learning strategies (actions or steps used) increases with age. Older learners' strategies are more varied and cognitively more complex. In contrast, younger learners depend more on their interlocutor and external resources and therefore have a lower level of autonomy in their learning. 3. "Young children don't talk much but understand a lot"This third generalization does seem to be confirmed, at least to a certain extent, by our data in relation to the analysis of differences due to the age factor and productive use of the target language. As seen above, the comparably slower progress of the younger learners is confirmed. Our analysis of interpersonal receptive abilities demonstrates as well the advantage of the older learners. Nevertheless, with respect to passive receptive activities (for example, simple recognition of words or sentences) no great differences are observed. Statistical analyses suggest that in this test, in contrast to the others analyzed, the dominance of the subjects' L1s (reflecting a cognitive capacity that grows with age) has no significant influence on the learning process. 4. "The sooner they begin, the better their results will be in written language"This is not either completely confirmed in our research. First of all, we perceive that certain compensatory strategies disappear only with age, but not with the number of instructional hours. Secondly, given an identical number of instructional hours, the older subjects obtain better results. With respect to our analysis of data from subjects of the same age (12 years old) but with a different number of instructional hours (200 and 416 respectively, as they began at the ages of 11 and 8), we observe that those who began earlier excel only in the area of lexical fluency. In conclusion, the superior rate of older learners appears to be due to their higher level of cognitive development, a factor which allows them to benefit more from formal or explicit instruction in the school context. Younger learners, however, do not benefit from the quantity and quality of linguistic exposure typical of a natural acquisition context in which they would be allowed to make use of implicit learning abilities. It seems clear, then, that the initiative in this country to begin foreign language instruction earlier will have positive effects only if it occurs in combination with either higher levels of exposure time to the foreign language, or, alternatively, with its use as the language of instruction in other areas of the curriculum.

En torno a los efectos de la edad en el aprendizaje escolar de una lengua extrangera

The purpose of this article is to treat a currently much debated issue, the effects of age on second language learning. To do so, we contrast data collected by our research team from over one thousand seven hundred young and adult learners with four popular beliefs or generalizations, which, while deeply rooted in this society, are not always corroborated by our data.Two of these generalizations about Second Language Acquisition (languages spoken in the social context) seem to be widely accepted: a) older children, adolescents and adults are quicker and more efficient at the first stages of learning than are younger learners; b) in a natural context children with an early start are more liable to attain higher levels of proficiency. However, in the context of Foreign Language Acquisition, the context in which we collect the data, this second generalization is difficult to verify due to the low number of instructional hours (a maximum of some 800 hours) and the lower levels of language exposure time provided. The design of our research project has allowed us to study differences observed with respect to the age of onset (ranging from 2 to 18+), but in this article we focus on students who began English instruction at the age of 8 (LOGSE Educational System) and those who began at the age of 11 (EGB). We have collected data from both groups after a period of 200 (Time 1) and 416 instructional hours (Time 2), and we are currently collecting data after a period of 726 instructional hours (Time 3). We have designed and administered a variety of tests: tests on English production and reception, both oral and written, and within both academic and communicative oriented approaches, on the learners' L1 (Spanish and Catalan), as well as a questionnaire eliciting personal and sociolinguistic information. The questions we address and the relevant empirical evidence are as follows: 1. "For young children, learning languages is a game. They enjoy it more than adults."Our data demonstrate that the situation is not quite so. Firstly, both at the levels of Primary and Secondary education (ranging from 70.5% in 11-year-olds to 89% in 14-year-olds) students have a positive attitude towards learning English. Secondly, there is a difference between the two groups with respect to the factors they cite as responsible for their motivation to learn English: the younger students cite intrinsic factors, such as the games they play, the methodology used and the teacher, whereas the older students cite extrinsic factors, such as the role of their knowledge of English in the achievement of their future professional goals. 2 ."Young children have more resources to learn languages." Here our data suggest just the opposite. The ability to employ learning strategies (actions or steps used) increases with age. Older learners' strategies are more varied and cognitively more complex. In contrast, younger learners depend more on their interlocutor and external resources and therefore have a lower level of autonomy in their learning. 3. "Young children don't talk much but understand a lot"This third generalization does seem to be confirmed, at least to a certain extent, by our data in relation to the analysis of differences due to the age factor and productive use of the target language. As seen above, the comparably slower progress of the younger learners is confirmed. Our analysis of interpersonal receptive abilities demonstrates as well the advantage of the older learners. Nevertheless, with respect to passive receptive activities (for example, simple recognition of words or sentences) no great differences are observed. Statistical analyses suggest that in this test, in contrast to the others analyzed, the dominance of the subjects' L1s (reflecting a cognitive capacity that grows with age) has no significant influence on the learning process. 4. "The sooner they begin, the better their results will be in written language"This is not either completely confirmed in our research. First of all, we perceive that certain compensatory strategies disappear only with age, but not with the number of instructional hours. Secondly, given an identical number of instructional hours, the older subjects obtain better results. With respect to our analysis of data from subjects of the same age (12 years old) but with a different number of instructional hours (200 and 416 respectively, as they began at the ages of 11 and 8), we observe that those who began earlier excel only in the area of lexical fluency. In conclusion, the superior rate of older learners appears to be due to their higher level of cognitive development, a factor which allows them to benefit more from formal or explicit instruction in the school context. Younger learners, however, do not benefit from the quantity and quality of linguistic exposure typical of a natural acquisition context in which they would be allowed to make use of implicit learning abilities. It seems clear, then, that the initiative in this country to begin foreign language instruction earlier will have positive effects only if it occurs in combination with either higher levels of exposure time to the foreign language, or, alternatively, with its use as the language of instruction in other areas of the curriculum.

The effects of milk as a food matrix for polyphenols on the excretion profile of cocoa (-)-Epicatechin metabolites in healthy humans subjects

The effect of different food matrices on the metabolism and excretion of polyphenols is uncertain. The objective of the study was to evaluate the possible effect of milk on the excretion of (2)-epicatechin metabolites from cocoa powder after its ingestion with and without milk. Twenty-one volunteers received the following three test meals each in a randomised cross-over design with a 1-week interval between meals: (1) 250 ml whole milk as a control; (2) 40 g cocoa powder dissolved in 250 ml whole milk (CC-M); (3) 40 g cocoa powder dissolved in 250 ml water (CC-W). Urine was collected before consumption and during the 0-6, 6-12 and 12-24 h periods after consumption. (2)-Epicatechin metabolite excretion was measured using liquid chromatography-MS. One (2)-epicatechin glucuronide and three (2)-epicatechin sulfates were detected in urine excreted after the intake of the two cocoa beverages (CC-M and CC-W). The results show that milk does not significantly affect the total amount of metabolites excreted in urine. However, differences in metabolite excretion profiles were observed; there were changes in the glucuronide and sulfate excretion rates, and the sulfation position between the period of excretion and the matrix. The matrix in which polyphenols are consumed can affect their metabolism and excretion, and this may affect their biological activity. Thus, more studies are needed to evaluate the effect of these different metabolite profiles on the body.

Coffee polyphenols change the expression of STAT5b and ATF-2 modifying cyclin D1 levels in cancer cells

Background: Epidemiological studies suggest that coffee consumption reduces the risk of cancer, but the molecular mechanisms of its chemopreventive effects remain unknown. Objective: To identify differentially expressed genes upon incubation of HT29 colon cancer cells with instant caffeinated coffee (ICC) or caffeic acid (CA) using whole genome microarrays. Results: ICC incubation of HT29 cells caused the overexpression of 57 genes and the underexpression of 161, while CA incubation induced the overexpression of 12 genes and the underexpression of 32. Using Venn-Diagrams, we built a list of five overexpressed genes and twelve underexpressed genes in common between the two experimental conditions. This list was used to generate a biological association network in which STAT5B and ATF-2 appeared as highly interconnected nodes. STAT5B overexpression was confirmed at the mRNA and protein levels. For ATF-2, the changes in mRNA levels were confirmed for both ICC and CA, whereas the decrease in protein levels was only observed in CA-treated cells. The levels of cyclin D1, a target gene for both STAT5B and ATF-2, were dowregulated by CA in colon cancer cells and by ICC and CA in breast cancer cells. Conclusions: Coffee polyphenols are able to affect cyclin D1 expression in cancer cells through the modulation of STAT5B and ATF-2.

Luz y sonido en el teatro contemporáneo: espacios de lo imaginario

Resumen: Dentro del contexto de las artes escénicas contemporáneas, cuyas propuestas se caracterizan principalmente por la apertura interpretativa y la falta de definición formal, la luz y el sonido consolidan la autonomía de su lenguaje y se convierten en recursos sensibles sumamente interesantes debido a su ambigua materialidad. A través de la exploración con estos elementos, y de la mano del desarrollo de la tecnología digital audiovisual, la escena logra trascender la solidez de los objetos, superar los límites del escenario y disolver los cuerpos de los personajes dentro un nuevo espacio-tiempo escénico que incorpora las infinitas posibilidades de lo virtual. Resum: En el context de les arts escèniques contemporànies, les propostes de les quals es caracteritzen principalment per l'obertura interpretativa i la manca de definició formal, la llum i el so consoliden l'autonomia del seu llenguatge i esdevenen recursos sensibles summament interessants per la seva ambigua materialitat. Mitjançant l'exploració amb aquests elements, juntament amb el desenvolupament de la tecnologia digital audiovisual, l'escena aconsegueix transcendir la solidesa dels objectes, superar els límits de l'escenari i dissoldre els cossos dels personatges dins d'un nou espai-temps escènic que incorpora les infinites possibilitats d'allò virtual.

Dos modos de ver y sentir el Perú: las propuestas estéticas y culturales enfrentadas de José María Arguedas y Mario Vargas Llosa

: José María Arguedas y Mario Vargas Llosa, dos de los escritores más importantes del Perú del siglo XX, representan, a su vez, dos modos divergentes y contrapuestos de entender la realidad del país andino. Este estudio abordará las antagónicas propuestas estéticas y culturales de ambos autores a través del análisis de los principales ejes de la narrativa arguediana y del ensayo La utopía arcaica de Vargas Llosa y las planteará como una proyección de la conflictividad socio-cultural que inauguró la conquista y como un reflejo de las distintas respuestas que originó el movimiento indigenista en el Perú.

Uso de cubierta de invernadero de alta transmisión de luz en el cultivo de geranio

El aumento de la luminosidad tiene un efecto positivo sobre la cantidad y calidad de la mayoría de cultivos en invernadero, no solamente en latitudes claramente deficitarias de luz (Cockshull, 1989) sino también en zonas como el Sureste español (Castilla, 1994). Un aumento de luz aumenta la tasa de fotosíntesis y por tanto la producción de azúcares y ácidos, componentes determinantes del gusto de los frutos; asimismo el aspecto de los frutos también se verá mejorado con el aumento de la luz (Bakker et al., 1995). En la transmisión de luz del invernadero influye la forma y pendiente del techo, la orientación y las propiedades ópticas del material de cubierta. Los modelos físico- matemáticos abordan el cálculo de la transmisión de luz del invernadero considerando todos estos factores en su conjunto, además del efecto sombra que un módulo puede tener en la transmisión de luz de las otras naves del invernadero (Bot, 1983; Critten, 1983). Los modelos constituyen una excelente herramienta de diseño de nuevas estructuras y pueden servir para comparar la transmisión luminosa de invernaderos asimétricos de distintas pendientes y orientaciones (Castilla et al., 2000) Una característica fundamental que debe tener cualquier material de cubierta es la de ser altamente transmisor de la radiación solar. Por este motivo es interesante conocer las características ópticas de los nuevos filmes plásticos y de las mallas anti insectos, que cada vez cubren una mayor superficie del invernadero (Montero et al., 2000). Un material de alta transmisión de luz es el filme de copolímero Tetrafluor-Etileno (Asahi Glass Company, Japón, nombre comercial Aflex), que cuenta además con la propiedad de ser muy resistente a las condiciones ambientales; En Japón hay invernaderos con esta cubierta desde hace mas de 20 años sin mostrar pérdida apreciable de luminosidad. Debido al interés potencial de este plástico para los invernaderos del mediterráneo se procedió a evaluar su comportamiento en condiciones de campo, con los objetivos de comprobar su adaptación a los invernaderos arqueados, su efecto en el clima del invernadero y la respuesta de los cultivos al aumento de luminosidad.

La Política sancionadora de la Unión Europea en el Norte de África. Estudios de caso a la luz de la Primavera Árabe

Les revolucions democràtiques que assoten el nord d'Àfrica han tornat ha obrir, entre d'altres, el debat sobre l'operativitat de les polítiques europees en aquesta regió. El present treball s'emmarca en aquest context geopolític i té com a finalitat avaluar la implementació de la política sancionadora de la Unió Europea en tres països objecte d'estudi, és a dir, Egipte Tunísia i Líbia. Després d'analitzar la política exterior europea en el Mediterrani, i l'oportunisme històric que el context polític actual ofereix per a la reformulació de les relacions euromediterrànies, conclourem qüestionant la intervenció europea en la gestió de la crisi i, en particular, l'eficàcia dels seus instruments sancionadors.