En torno a los efectos de la edad en el aprendizaje escolar de una lengua extrangera

The purpose of this article is to treat a currently much debated issue, the effects of age on second language learning. To do so, we contrast data collected by our research team from over one thousand seven hundred young and adult learners with four popular beliefs or generalizations, which, while deeply rooted in this society, are not always corroborated by our data.Two of these generalizations about Second Language Acquisition (languages spoken in the social context) seem to be widely accepted: a) older children, adolescents and adults are quicker and more efficient at the first stages of learning than are younger learners; b) in a natural context children with an early start are more liable to attain higher levels of proficiency. However, in the context of Foreign Language Acquisition, the context in which we collect the data, this second generalization is difficult to verify due to the low number of instructional hours (a maximum of some 800 hours) and the lower levels of language exposure time provided. The design of our research project has allowed us to study differences observed with respect to the age of onset (ranging from 2 to 18+), but in this article we focus on students who began English instruction at the age of 8 (LOGSE Educational System) and those who began at the age of 11 (EGB). We have collected data from both groups after a period of 200 (Time 1) and 416 instructional hours (Time 2), and we are currently collecting data after a period of 726 instructional hours (Time 3). We have designed and administered a variety of tests: tests on English production and reception, both oral and written, and within both academic and communicative oriented approaches, on the learners' L1 (Spanish and Catalan), as well as a questionnaire eliciting personal and sociolinguistic information. The questions we address and the relevant empirical evidence are as follows: 1. "For young children, learning languages is a game. They enjoy it more than adults."Our data demonstrate that the situation is not quite so. Firstly, both at the levels of Primary and Secondary education (ranging from 70.5% in 11-year-olds to 89% in 14-year-olds) students have a positive attitude towards learning English. Secondly, there is a difference between the two groups with respect to the factors they cite as responsible for their motivation to learn English: the younger students cite intrinsic factors, such as the games they play, the methodology used and the teacher, whereas the older students cite extrinsic factors, such as the role of their knowledge of English in the achievement of their future professional goals. 2 ."Young children have more resources to learn languages." Here our data suggest just the opposite. The ability to employ learning strategies (actions or steps used) increases with age. Older learners' strategies are more varied and cognitively more complex. In contrast, younger learners depend more on their interlocutor and external resources and therefore have a lower level of autonomy in their learning. 3. "Young children don't talk much but understand a lot"This third generalization does seem to be confirmed, at least to a certain extent, by our data in relation to the analysis of differences due to the age factor and productive use of the target language. As seen above, the comparably slower progress of the younger learners is confirmed. Our analysis of interpersonal receptive abilities demonstrates as well the advantage of the older learners. Nevertheless, with respect to passive receptive activities (for example, simple recognition of words or sentences) no great differences are observed. Statistical analyses suggest that in this test, in contrast to the others analyzed, the dominance of the subjects' L1s (reflecting a cognitive capacity that grows with age) has no significant influence on the learning process. 4. "The sooner they begin, the better their results will be in written language"This is not either completely confirmed in our research. First of all, we perceive that certain compensatory strategies disappear only with age, but not with the number of instructional hours. Secondly, given an identical number of instructional hours, the older subjects obtain better results. With respect to our analysis of data from subjects of the same age (12 years old) but with a different number of instructional hours (200 and 416 respectively, as they began at the ages of 11 and 8), we observe that those who began earlier excel only in the area of lexical fluency. In conclusion, the superior rate of older learners appears to be due to their higher level of cognitive development, a factor which allows them to benefit more from formal or explicit instruction in the school context. Younger learners, however, do not benefit from the quantity and quality of linguistic exposure typical of a natural acquisition context in which they would be allowed to make use of implicit learning abilities. It seems clear, then, that the initiative in this country to begin foreign language instruction earlier will have positive effects only if it occurs in combination with either higher levels of exposure time to the foreign language, or, alternatively, with its use as the language of instruction in other areas of the curriculum.

En torno a los efectos de la edad en el aprendizaje escolar de una lengua extrangera

The purpose of this article is to treat a currently much debated issue, the effects of age on second language learning. To do so, we contrast data collected by our research team from over one thousand seven hundred young and adult learners with four popular beliefs or generalizations, which, while deeply rooted in this society, are not always corroborated by our data.Two of these generalizations about Second Language Acquisition (languages spoken in the social context) seem to be widely accepted: a) older children, adolescents and adults are quicker and more efficient at the first stages of learning than are younger learners; b) in a natural context children with an early start are more liable to attain higher levels of proficiency. However, in the context of Foreign Language Acquisition, the context in which we collect the data, this second generalization is difficult to verify due to the low number of instructional hours (a maximum of some 800 hours) and the lower levels of language exposure time provided. The design of our research project has allowed us to study differences observed with respect to the age of onset (ranging from 2 to 18+), but in this article we focus on students who began English instruction at the age of 8 (LOGSE Educational System) and those who began at the age of 11 (EGB). We have collected data from both groups after a period of 200 (Time 1) and 416 instructional hours (Time 2), and we are currently collecting data after a period of 726 instructional hours (Time 3). We have designed and administered a variety of tests: tests on English production and reception, both oral and written, and within both academic and communicative oriented approaches, on the learners' L1 (Spanish and Catalan), as well as a questionnaire eliciting personal and sociolinguistic information. The questions we address and the relevant empirical evidence are as follows: 1. "For young children, learning languages is a game. They enjoy it more than adults."Our data demonstrate that the situation is not quite so. Firstly, both at the levels of Primary and Secondary education (ranging from 70.5% in 11-year-olds to 89% in 14-year-olds) students have a positive attitude towards learning English. Secondly, there is a difference between the two groups with respect to the factors they cite as responsible for their motivation to learn English: the younger students cite intrinsic factors, such as the games they play, the methodology used and the teacher, whereas the older students cite extrinsic factors, such as the role of their knowledge of English in the achievement of their future professional goals. 2 ."Young children have more resources to learn languages." Here our data suggest just the opposite. The ability to employ learning strategies (actions or steps used) increases with age. Older learners' strategies are more varied and cognitively more complex. In contrast, younger learners depend more on their interlocutor and external resources and therefore have a lower level of autonomy in their learning. 3. "Young children don't talk much but understand a lot"This third generalization does seem to be confirmed, at least to a certain extent, by our data in relation to the analysis of differences due to the age factor and productive use of the target language. As seen above, the comparably slower progress of the younger learners is confirmed. Our analysis of interpersonal receptive abilities demonstrates as well the advantage of the older learners. Nevertheless, with respect to passive receptive activities (for example, simple recognition of words or sentences) no great differences are observed. Statistical analyses suggest that in this test, in contrast to the others analyzed, the dominance of the subjects' L1s (reflecting a cognitive capacity that grows with age) has no significant influence on the learning process. 4. "The sooner they begin, the better their results will be in written language"This is not either completely confirmed in our research. First of all, we perceive that certain compensatory strategies disappear only with age, but not with the number of instructional hours. Secondly, given an identical number of instructional hours, the older subjects obtain better results. With respect to our analysis of data from subjects of the same age (12 years old) but with a different number of instructional hours (200 and 416 respectively, as they began at the ages of 11 and 8), we observe that those who began earlier excel only in the area of lexical fluency. In conclusion, the superior rate of older learners appears to be due to their higher level of cognitive development, a factor which allows them to benefit more from formal or explicit instruction in the school context. Younger learners, however, do not benefit from the quantity and quality of linguistic exposure typical of a natural acquisition context in which they would be allowed to make use of implicit learning abilities. It seems clear, then, that the initiative in this country to begin foreign language instruction earlier will have positive effects only if it occurs in combination with either higher levels of exposure time to the foreign language, or, alternatively, with its use as the language of instruction in other areas of the curriculum.

En torno a los efectos de la edad en el aprendizaje escolar de una lengua extrangera

The purpose of this article is to treat a currently much debated issue, the effects of age on second language learning. To do so, we contrast data collected by our research team from over one thousand seven hundred young and adult learners with four popular beliefs or generalizations, which, while deeply rooted in this society, are not always corroborated by our data.Two of these generalizations about Second Language Acquisition (languages spoken in the social context) seem to be widely accepted: a) older children, adolescents and adults are quicker and more efficient at the first stages of learning than are younger learners; b) in a natural context children with an early start are more liable to attain higher levels of proficiency. However, in the context of Foreign Language Acquisition, the context in which we collect the data, this second generalization is difficult to verify due to the low number of instructional hours (a maximum of some 800 hours) and the lower levels of language exposure time provided. The design of our research project has allowed us to study differences observed with respect to the age of onset (ranging from 2 to 18+), but in this article we focus on students who began English instruction at the age of 8 (LOGSE Educational System) and those who began at the age of 11 (EGB). We have collected data from both groups after a period of 200 (Time 1) and 416 instructional hours (Time 2), and we are currently collecting data after a period of 726 instructional hours (Time 3). We have designed and administered a variety of tests: tests on English production and reception, both oral and written, and within both academic and communicative oriented approaches, on the learners' L1 (Spanish and Catalan), as well as a questionnaire eliciting personal and sociolinguistic information. The questions we address and the relevant empirical evidence are as follows: 1. "For young children, learning languages is a game. They enjoy it more than adults."Our data demonstrate that the situation is not quite so. Firstly, both at the levels of Primary and Secondary education (ranging from 70.5% in 11-year-olds to 89% in 14-year-olds) students have a positive attitude towards learning English. Secondly, there is a difference between the two groups with respect to the factors they cite as responsible for their motivation to learn English: the younger students cite intrinsic factors, such as the games they play, the methodology used and the teacher, whereas the older students cite extrinsic factors, such as the role of their knowledge of English in the achievement of their future professional goals. 2 ."Young children have more resources to learn languages." Here our data suggest just the opposite. The ability to employ learning strategies (actions or steps used) increases with age. Older learners' strategies are more varied and cognitively more complex. In contrast, younger learners depend more on their interlocutor and external resources and therefore have a lower level of autonomy in their learning. 3. "Young children don't talk much but understand a lot"This third generalization does seem to be confirmed, at least to a certain extent, by our data in relation to the analysis of differences due to the age factor and productive use of the target language. As seen above, the comparably slower progress of the younger learners is confirmed. Our analysis of interpersonal receptive abilities demonstrates as well the advantage of the older learners. Nevertheless, with respect to passive receptive activities (for example, simple recognition of words or sentences) no great differences are observed. Statistical analyses suggest that in this test, in contrast to the others analyzed, the dominance of the subjects' L1s (reflecting a cognitive capacity that grows with age) has no significant influence on the learning process. 4. "The sooner they begin, the better their results will be in written language"This is not either completely confirmed in our research. First of all, we perceive that certain compensatory strategies disappear only with age, but not with the number of instructional hours. Secondly, given an identical number of instructional hours, the older subjects obtain better results. With respect to our analysis of data from subjects of the same age (12 years old) but with a different number of instructional hours (200 and 416 respectively, as they began at the ages of 11 and 8), we observe that those who began earlier excel only in the area of lexical fluency. In conclusion, the superior rate of older learners appears to be due to their higher level of cognitive development, a factor which allows them to benefit more from formal or explicit instruction in the school context. Younger learners, however, do not benefit from the quantity and quality of linguistic exposure typical of a natural acquisition context in which they would be allowed to make use of implicit learning abilities. It seems clear, then, that the initiative in this country to begin foreign language instruction earlier will have positive effects only if it occurs in combination with either higher levels of exposure time to the foreign language, or, alternatively, with its use as the language of instruction in other areas of the curriculum.

En torno a los efectos de la edad en el aprendizaje escolar de una lengua extrangera

The purpose of this article is to treat a currently much debated issue, the effects of age on second language learning. To do so, we contrast data collected by our research team from over one thousand seven hundred young and adult learners with four popular beliefs or generalizations, which, while deeply rooted in this society, are not always corroborated by our data.Two of these generalizations about Second Language Acquisition (languages spoken in the social context) seem to be widely accepted: a) older children, adolescents and adults are quicker and more efficient at the first stages of learning than are younger learners; b) in a natural context children with an early start are more liable to attain higher levels of proficiency. However, in the context of Foreign Language Acquisition, the context in which we collect the data, this second generalization is difficult to verify due to the low number of instructional hours (a maximum of some 800 hours) and the lower levels of language exposure time provided. The design of our research project has allowed us to study differences observed with respect to the age of onset (ranging from 2 to 18+), but in this article we focus on students who began English instruction at the age of 8 (LOGSE Educational System) and those who began at the age of 11 (EGB). We have collected data from both groups after a period of 200 (Time 1) and 416 instructional hours (Time 2), and we are currently collecting data after a period of 726 instructional hours (Time 3). We have designed and administered a variety of tests: tests on English production and reception, both oral and written, and within both academic and communicative oriented approaches, on the learners' L1 (Spanish and Catalan), as well as a questionnaire eliciting personal and sociolinguistic information. The questions we address and the relevant empirical evidence are as follows: 1. "For young children, learning languages is a game. They enjoy it more than adults."Our data demonstrate that the situation is not quite so. Firstly, both at the levels of Primary and Secondary education (ranging from 70.5% in 11-year-olds to 89% in 14-year-olds) students have a positive attitude towards learning English. Secondly, there is a difference between the two groups with respect to the factors they cite as responsible for their motivation to learn English: the younger students cite intrinsic factors, such as the games they play, the methodology used and the teacher, whereas the older students cite extrinsic factors, such as the role of their knowledge of English in the achievement of their future professional goals. 2 ."Young children have more resources to learn languages." Here our data suggest just the opposite. The ability to employ learning strategies (actions or steps used) increases with age. Older learners' strategies are more varied and cognitively more complex. In contrast, younger learners depend more on their interlocutor and external resources and therefore have a lower level of autonomy in their learning. 3. "Young children don't talk much but understand a lot"This third generalization does seem to be confirmed, at least to a certain extent, by our data in relation to the analysis of differences due to the age factor and productive use of the target language. As seen above, the comparably slower progress of the younger learners is confirmed. Our analysis of interpersonal receptive abilities demonstrates as well the advantage of the older learners. Nevertheless, with respect to passive receptive activities (for example, simple recognition of words or sentences) no great differences are observed. Statistical analyses suggest that in this test, in contrast to the others analyzed, the dominance of the subjects' L1s (reflecting a cognitive capacity that grows with age) has no significant influence on the learning process. 4. "The sooner they begin, the better their results will be in written language"This is not either completely confirmed in our research. First of all, we perceive that certain compensatory strategies disappear only with age, but not with the number of instructional hours. Secondly, given an identical number of instructional hours, the older subjects obtain better results. With respect to our analysis of data from subjects of the same age (12 years old) but with a different number of instructional hours (200 and 416 respectively, as they began at the ages of 11 and 8), we observe that those who began earlier excel only in the area of lexical fluency. In conclusion, the superior rate of older learners appears to be due to their higher level of cognitive development, a factor which allows them to benefit more from formal or explicit instruction in the school context. Younger learners, however, do not benefit from the quantity and quality of linguistic exposure typical of a natural acquisition context in which they would be allowed to make use of implicit learning abilities. It seems clear, then, that the initiative in this country to begin foreign language instruction earlier will have positive effects only if it occurs in combination with either higher levels of exposure time to the foreign language, or, alternatively, with its use as the language of instruction in other areas of the curriculum.

Influencia de la inmigración en la elección escolar

This empirical work studies the influence of immigrant students on individuals’ school choice in one of the most populated regions in Spain: Catalonia. It has estimated, following the Poisson model, the probability that a certain school, which immigrant students are already attending, may be chosen by natives as well as by immigrants, respectively. The information provided by the Catalonia School Department presents school characteristics of all the primary and secondary schools in Catalonia during the 2001/02 and 2002/03 school years. The results obtained support the evidence that Catalonia native families avoid schools attended by immigrants. Natives certainly prefer not to interact with immigrants. Private schools are more successful in avoiding immigrants. Finally, the main reason for non-natives’ choice is the presence of other non-natives in the same school.

Escola inclusiva, pràctica educativa i organització escolar

La modificació de les característiques d'una part de l'alumnat del sistema educatiu de Catalunya manifesta la necessitat de trobar eines organitzatives i pedagògiques per treballar en el marc de l'escola inclusiva. Una de les característiques que provoquen més inquietud entre el professorat es refereix als diferents nivells lingüístics de l'alumnat a les aules en relació al coneixement de la llengua de l'escola. La recerca ha treballat amb el professorat de dues escoles d'infantil i primària amb un nombre elevat d’alumnat d’origen estranger, nascut a Catalunya i d’incorporació tardana, i amb l'aula d'acollida d'un IES. L'objectiu de la recerca consistia en desenvolupar un model organitzatiu que fes possible una major individualització de la pràctica educativa i formes de treball cooperatiu a les aules, així com trobar indicadors pel trànsit de l'aula d'acollida a l'aula ordinària. La recerca comptava amb el suport del professorat-tutor i dels equips directius dels centres escolars. La metodologia utilitzada ha estat de caire etnogràfic i ha consistit en observar setmanalment a les aules les modificacions de la pràctica de les persones tutores que es derivaven d’un nou marc organitzatiu. Igualment, hem observat especialment les condicions d’ensenyament-aprenentatge de l’alumnat d’incorporació tardana tant a l’aula ordinària com a l’aula d’acollida. Els resultats manifesten que la modificació de l’estructura organitzativa sobre la base d’implicar tots els recursos humans d’un cicle en un projecte comú que permet el treball amb petits grups heterogenis transforma la pràctica educativa del professorat. Aquest treball es recolza en la llengua oral, independentment de la tasca que ha de realitzar l’alumne, i s’adapta individualment a les diferents capacitats de comprensió i expressió oral de l’alumnat. A la vegada, aquesta pràctica educativa facilita la coordinació del professorat de l’aula ordinària i d’acollida, així com el trànsit d’una a l’altra.

El Bienestar del hogar y los funcionamientos elementales de la Infancia y juventud en edad escolar: aplicación de un Modelo de Estructura de Covarianza (MEC) al caso del departamento de Antioquia- Colombia

En la investigación planteo que el logro de las capacidades de los niños y jóvenes está sujeto a su entorno familiar, de manera que el bienestar del hogar en el espacio de los funcionamientos influye en los niveles de salud y de educación de los niños y jóvenes en edad escolar. La primera parte, es el marco basado en el enfoque de capacidades, donde se establece un soporte teórico entre el bienestar de la infancia y las capacidades. La segunda, es la aplicación de un Modelo de Estructura de Covarianza (MEC), aplicado al caso de Antioquia-Colombia. Palabras

El català escolar escrit a Catalunya CEsCa

La finalitat del projecte CESCA és proporcionar a la comunitat educativa, al món editorial, a pedagogs, lingüistes i sociolingüistes informació sobre aspectes clau de la llengua escrita activa dels escolars de Catalunya al llarg de l’educació obligatòria. Amb aquest objectiu s’han recollit i processat 2.396 textos produïts per nens i nenes des de l’últim curs d’educació infantil (P5) fins a l’últim curs d’educació obligatòria (4t d’ESO). Els alumnes participants provenen de 30 escoles repartides per tota l’àrea geogràfica de Catalunya, majoritàriament de centres públics, encara que també han participat alguns centres concertats. Els vocabularis, així com els textos de diferents gèneres, estan digitalitzats i organitzats en la base de dades CesCa. Les dades derivades del processament dels vocabularis són consultables a la pàgina web d’accés públic: http://clic.ub.edu/cesca/. Una vegada lematitzades les realitzacions dels cinc dominis semàntics –aliments, activitats de lleure, peces de roba, trets de caràcter i fenòmens de la natura- representats en el vocabulari, s’ha observat que el nombre de lemes augmenta amb el curs escolar de manera sostinguda fins al començament de la secundària per disminuir posteriorment. El domini de trets de caràcter és el més ric en producció de lemes diferents i el domini d’activitats és el que presenta una més gran diversitat de variants. Dos dels resultats obtinguts posen de manifest una certa avantatge del bilingüisme instal•lat al nostre entorn: la més gran quantitat de lemes diferents es troba entre els informants que parlen castellà i català i que diuen parlar català des de sempre. Moltes de les distincions acceptades dins del domini lexicogràfic són difícils d’aplicar a mostres de llengua produïda per parlants en procés d’aprenentatge en un entorn plurilingüe.

La declaració de drets de l'Estatut d'Autonomia de Catalunya de 2006

Una de les novetats que ha comportat l’aprovació del nou Estatut d’Autonomia de Catalunya ha estat la introducció d’un Títol dedicat als drets, deures i principis rectors. Analitzem les diferents visions que sobre aquesta carta de drets s’han donat des de la doctrina i estudiem en quin sentit s’ha pronunciat el Tribunal Constitucional respecte a aquesta qüestió. Analitzem el perquè s’inclou a l’Estatut d’Autonomia una taula de drets i deures i ens qüestionem si, tècnicament, és una declaració de drets completa i sistemàtica. Repassem la veritable voluntas legislatoris del legislador català mitjançant l’extracte de les intervencions dels diferents grups en relació al Títol I de l’Estatut, que fou objecte de votació separada. Ens aturem a analitzar la raó de ser, l’abast i la naturalesa de la Carta de Drets i Deures prevista a l’Estatut d’Autonomia de Catalunya i las seva diferenciació de les lleis que han de desenvolupar els drets estatutaris. També ens centrem en la configuració dels drets que reconeix l’Estatut i la seva diferenciació amb els principis rectors de la política social i econòmica, basada en la seva exigibilitat, tot i que no poques vegades la diferència no és tant clara. Finalment, la tutela dels drets mereix una atenció especial, centrada fonamentalment en el Consell de Garanties Estatutàries que substitueix el Consell Consultiu. Aquest òrgan es configura com quelcom més que un simple òrgan consultiu ja que pot emetre dictàmens vinculants sobre lleis que desenvolupin o afectin els drets estatutaris, juntament amb els dictàmens no vinculants, que poden ser preceptius o facultatius, segons els casos.

Autonomia territorial i conflictes d'autodeterminació: oportunitats i voluntat casos de Bolívia, Níger i Tailàndia

La paradoxa de l’autonomia tracta sobre si l’autogovern atenua o exacerba el conflicte armat. Aquest estudi prova de desmuntar aquest trencaclosques examinant l’efectivitat de l’autonomia territorial com a resposta estatal als conflictes d’autodeterminació de tot el món. També posa en dubte que l’autonomia sigui un factor instigador del conflicte argumentant que l’autonomia territorial pot mitigar el conflicte armat canalitzant els greuges grupals cap a formes de protesta pacífiques. D’aquesta manera, l’estudi vol arribar a una teoria integral que identifiqui els factors responsables de l’escalada de violència en els conflictes sorgits de reivindicacions d’autodeterminació. Fent servir els conceptes d’”estructures d’oportunitat” i “dimensió de voluntat”, aquest estudi mostra que l’escalada dels conflictes només es produeix quan es mobilitzen minories amb un alt poder negociador respecte del centre, en contexts de grans nivells de desigualtat econòmica al si de la díada, al voltant de reivindicacions d’autonomia i separatistes.

La gestió de la informació des de la biblioteca escolar

Memòria metodològica que recull el procés de treball del pràcticum, on l'autora s'ha plantejat analitzar quina ha de ser la funció de la biblioteca escolar com a gestora de la informació en un centre educatiu.

Informatitzar l'escola : projecte global d'informatització d'un centre escolar

En el moment actual la presència de la tecnologia de la informació i la comunicació (TIC) es fa imprescindible en les activitats de la vida quotidiana. En l'escola d'una societat moderna està adquirint una presència transcendental i inqüestionable que està canviant les formes d'aprendre i transmetre els coneixements. L'escola millor preparada serà aquella que dispose d'aules autosuficients, és a dir aules en què es troben els recursos tecnològics necessaris per a possibilitar a l'alumnat l'accés a la informació i a la comunicació que ens proporciona la xarxa i els sistemes de presentació multimèdia disponibles en estos temps. La informàtica, Internet, el vídeo, la televisió, i els mitjans per a audicions i projeccions són necessitats que tant l'alumnat com el professorat han de tindre al seu abast en tot moment. Cada vegada més la majoria de les activitats que es realitzen en l'escola necessiten utilitzar estes tecnologies.

L'arquitectura escolar noucentista

El principal objectiu d'aquest article és presentar la complexitat -i les contradiccions- del procés de construcció d'escoles noucentistes. No es limita només a les escoles construïdes a l'etapa de la Mancomunitat de Catalunya (1914-1923), sinó també es parla del període anterior (des del 1905 amb alguns pocs exemples d'escoles d'un cert deix modernista) i sobretot del posterior (la dictadura de Primo de Rivera)

Pla d’actuació contra l’absentisme escolar a Palafrugell: Diagnosi de la realitat socioeducativa i protocol d’actuació contra l’absentisme escolar i la desescolarització

El treball té l’objectiu de dissenyar un protocol d’actuació que contempli aspectes sobre prevenció, detecció i intervenció contra l’absentisme escolar i la desescolarització al municipi. Per a això s’ha desenvolupat una diagnosi municipal d’anàlisi de la realitat sobre el tema, fent èmfasi en la intervenció socioeducativa que s’ha de realitzar per a tractar el fenomen des d’una perspectiva holística i global