7 resultados para theorising sexuality and gender


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European Master’s Degree in Human Rights and Democratisation Academic Year 2005/2006

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A Work Project, presented as part of the requirements for the Award of a Masters Degree in Management from the NOVA – School of Business and Economics

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The term res publica (literally “thing of the people”) was coined by the Romans to translate the Greek word politeia, which, as we know, referred to a political community organised in accordance with certain principles, amongst which the notion of the “good life” (as against exclusively private interests) was paramount. This ideal also came to be known as political virtue. To achieve it, it was necessary to combine the best of each “constitutional” type and avoid their worst aspects (tyranny, oligarchy and ochlocracy). Hence, the term acquired from the Greeks a sense of being a “mixed” and “balanced” system. Anyone that was entitled to citizenship could participate in the governance of the “public thing”. This implied the institutionalization of open debate and confrontation between interested parties as a way of achieving the consensus necessary to ensure that man the political animal, who fought with words and reason, prevailed over his “natural” counterpart. These premises lie at the heart of the project which is now being presented under the title of Res Publica: Citizenship and Political Representation in Portugal, 1820-1926. The fact that it is integrated into the centenary commemorations of the establishment of the Republic in Portugal is significant, as it was the idea of revolution – with its promise of rupture and change – that inspired it. However, it has also sought to explore events that could be considered the precursor of democratization in the history of Portugal, namely the vintista, setembrista and patuleia revolutions. It is true that the republican regime was opposed to the monarchic. However, although the thesis that monarchy would inevitably lead to tyranny had held sway for centuries, it had also been long believed that the monarchic system could be as “politically virtuous” as a republic (in the strict sense of the word) provided that power was not concentrated in the hands of a single individual. Moreover, various historical experiments had shown that republics could also degenerate into Caesarism and different kinds of despotism. Thus, when absolutism began to be overturned in continental Europe in the name of the natural rights of man and the new social pact theories, initiating the difficult process of (written) constitutionalization, the monarchic principle began to be qualified as a “monarchy hedged by republican institutions”, a situation in which not even the king was exempt from isonomy. This context justifies the time frame chosen here, as it captures the various changes and continuities that run through it. Having rejected the imperative mandate and the reinstatement of the model of corporative representation (which did not mean that, in new contexts, this might not be revived, or that the second chamber established by the Constitutional Charter of 1826 might not be given another lease of life), a new power base was convened: national sovereignty, a precept that would be shared by the monarchic constitutions of 1822 and 1838, and by the republican one of 1911. This followed the French example (manifested in the monarchic constitution of 1791 and in the Spanish constitution of 1812), as not even republicans entertained a tradition of republicanism based upon popular sovereignty. This enables us to better understand the rejection of direct democracy and universal suffrage, and also the long incapacitation (concerning voting and standing for office) of the vast body of “passive” citizens, justified by “enlightened”, property- and gender-based criteria. Although the republicans had promised in the propaganda phase to alter this situation, they ultimately failed to do so. Indeed, throughout the whole period under analysis, the realisation of the potential of national sovereignty was mediated above all by the individual citizen through his choice of representatives. However, this representation was indirect and took place at national level, in the hope that action would be motivated not by particular local interests but by the common good, as dictated by reason. This was considered the only way for the law to be virtuous, a requirement that was also manifested in the separation and balance of powers. As sovereignty was postulated as single and indivisible, so would be the nation that gave it soul and the State that embodied it. Although these characteristics were common to foreign paradigms of reference, in Portugal, the constitutionalization process also sought to nationalise the idea of Empire. Indeed, this had been the overriding purpose of the 1822 Constitution, and it persisted, even after the loss of Brazil, until decolonization. Then, the dream of a single nation stretching from the Minho to Timor finally came to an end.

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RESUMO: Objetivo: Este estudo teve como objetivo avaliar a carga dos cuidadores de doentes com Esquizofrenia e avaliar a correlação com determinadas características demográficas dos doentes e dos cuidadores, assim como com o nível de emoção expressa na família. Métodos: Este estudo descritivo-analítico foi realizado em 172 doentes com Esquizofrenia e seus cuidadores primários, que foram selecionados em ambulatório, a partir da consulta externa do Hospital Psiquiátrico em Teerão, no Irão, mediante uma amostra de conveniência. Os cuidadores foram entrevistados utilizando as escalas Zarit Burden Interview e Family Questionnaire, de forma a avaliar a sobrecarga sentida pelos cuidadores e o nível de emoção expressa na família, respectivamente. Os dados foram analisados por meio de testes de Mann-Whitney, Kruskal-Wallis, e Spearman. Resultados: O nível de sobrecarga vivenciada pela maioria dos cuidadores primários foi moderada a grave. A pontuação obtida nas sub-escalas de comentários emocionais, envolvimento excessivo e comentários críticos foram maiores do que o ponto de corte em 51,7% e 64,5% dos cuidadores, respectivamente. Os resultados mostraram que as pontuações obtidas nas duas subescalas do questionário família tinham uma correlação significativa e direta com a carga experimentada pelos cuidadores. O nível de carga experimentada pelos cuidadores foi significativamente diferente entre os grupos de idade e estado civil dos cuidadores, e género, status ocupacional e estado civil dos doentes. O número de membros da família, as condições 5 de alojamento, o tempo gasto pelo cuidador com o paciente diariamente, o nível de renda familiar e a duração da doença afetaram significativamente o nível de carga experimentada pelo cuidador. Conclusão: Com base nos resultados, alguns fatores demográficos dos cuidadores, pacientes e seus familiares afetam significativamente a carga experimentada pelos cuidadores primários. A maioria das famílias dos pacientes têm alto nível de emoção expressa e existe uma significativa associação direta entre as emoções expressas e a carga experimentada.------------ABSTRACT: Aim: This study aimed to assess the burden experienced by the caregiver of patients with Schizophrenia, and evaluate its correlation with some demographic characteristics of patients, their caregivers, and the level of expressed emotion in the family. Methods: This descriptive-analytic study was conducted on 172 schizophrenic patients and their primary caregivers selected from the outpatient clinic of a mental hospital in Tehran, Iran using convenience sampling. Caregivers were evaluated with Zarit Burden Interview and Family Questionnaire to assess the burden experienced by the caregivers and the level of expressed emotion in the family, respectively. Data were analyzed using Mann-Whitney, Kruskal-Wallis, and Spearman’s tests. Results: The level of burden experienced by the majority of primary caregivers was moderate to severe. The scores obtained in the subscales of emotional over-involvement and critical comments were higher than the cutoff point in 51.7% and 64.5% of caregivers respectively. The results showed that the scores obtained in the two subscales of family questionnaire had a significant, direct correlation with the burden experienced by the caregivers. The level of burden experienced by the caregivers was significantly different between the subgroups of age and marital status of the caregivers, and gender, occupational status and marital status of the patients. Number of family members, home ownership status, time spent by the caregiver with the patient daily, level of family income and duration of disorder significantly affected the level of burden experienced by the caregiver. Conclusion: Based on the results, some demographic factors of the primary caregivers, patients and their family significantly affect the burden experienced by the primary caregivers. Most of the families of patients have high expressed emotions and a significant, direct association exists between the expressed emotions and the burden experienced.

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This article addresses the work of Mizrahi women artists, i.e., Israeli-Jewish women of Asian or African ethnic origin, using the artist Vered Nissim as a case study. Nissim seeks to affirm the politics of identity and recognition, as well as feminism in order to create a paradigm shift with regards to the local regime of cultural representations in the Israeli art scene. Endeavouring to find ways of undermining the rigid imbalances between different social groups, she calls for a comprehensive reform of the status quo through artistic activism. Nissim employs a style, content, and medium that disrupts the accepted social order, using humour and irony as unique weapons with which she takes liberties with conventional moral, social, and economic values. Placing issues of race, class and gender at the centre of her work, she seeks to undermine and problematize essentialist attitudes, highlighting the political intersections of different identity categories as the critical analysis of intersectionality unfolds.

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Os séculos XX e XXI corresponderam ao agudizar de processos globalizantes potenciados pelas novas tecnologias, quer no âmbito comunicacional, quer industrial, sublinhando dinâmicas de desruralização e de construção de tecidos urbanos densos onde o anonimato se tornou possível na vivência de experiências, outrora reconduzidas ao silêncio do sujeito socialmente isolado. A diferença, enquanto experiência vivida, tornou-se comunitariamente possível, surgindo grupos que delimitam geograficamente determinadas áreas urbanas a que correspondem afinidades eróticas ou de práticas sexuais, inicialmente de gays e lésbicas. Quebra-se na prática a uni-direccionalidade entre sexo e género, entre sexo e sexualidade, questionando-se esquemas de relações assimétricas e modelos de pensamento enraizados (heterossexualidade, patriarcado, machismo, etc.). Rubin (1975 in Lewin 2006, in Vance, 1984) propõe a existência de dois sistemas diferenciados de sexo e género que tornam plausível, sob o ponto de vista analítico, a não correspondência entre sexo, género e sexualidade. O paradigma máximo desta autonomia sistémica alcança-se na construção de uma identidade travesti. Esta identidade mutante, mutável e instável parece acompanhar um mundo de fluxos intensos e interdependências múltiplas. É na sociedade global que as travestis encontram espaço para a vivência comunitária da sua experiência, constituindo-se como um grupo com práticas transnacionais, marcado pela mobilidade de género e geográfica, primeiramente dentro das fronteiras brasileiras e depois para a Europa. Cidade, prostituição e migração surgem como factores chave da disseminação geográfica e identitária desta comunidade. Este projecto tomado sob uma perspectiva global mantêm ou reinventa relações com a estrutura, que aparentemente as apaga enquanto actores sociais e da qual, aparentemente, se auto-excluem.