Local political elites and the Revolution: Portalegre 1941-1997

Who directs local politics? Which social and professional groups directed city and village councils in Portugal? What was their evolution and behaviour for the second half of the twentieth century, during the final years of the Estado Novo and the political transition provided by the Revolution of April 25th, 1974?

Treasury bond returns and U.S. political cycles

A Work Project, presented as part of the requirements for the Award of a Masters Degree in Finance from the NOVA – School of Business and Economics

Identificação da actividade do sistema nervoso simpático e parassimpático em dados de pupilometria, utilizando a Singular Spectrum Analysis

Dissertação para obtenção do Grau de Mestre em Engenharia Biomédica

Migrant networks and political participation in Mozambique

A Work Project, presented as part of the requirements for the Award of a Masters Degree in Economics from the NOVA – School of Business and Economics

Health expenditures in the OECD: A political economy analysis using structural breaks

A Masters Thesis, presented as part of the requirements for the award of a Research Masters Degree in Economics from NOVA – School of Business and Economics

Spectrum sensing through software defined radio

Dissertação apresentada para obtenção do Grau de Mestre em Engenharia Electrotécnica e de Computadores, pela Universidade Nova de Lisboa, Faculdade de Ciências e Tecnologia

Res Publica: Citizenship and Political Representation in Portugal, 1820-1926

The term res publica (literally “thing of the people”) was coined by the Romans to translate the Greek word politeia, which, as we know, referred to a political community organised in accordance with certain principles, amongst which the notion of the “good life” (as against exclusively private interests) was paramount. This ideal also came to be known as political virtue. To achieve it, it was necessary to combine the best of each “constitutional” type and avoid their worst aspects (tyranny, oligarchy and ochlocracy). Hence, the term acquired from the Greeks a sense of being a “mixed” and “balanced” system. Anyone that was entitled to citizenship could participate in the governance of the “public thing”. This implied the institutionalization of open debate and confrontation between interested parties as a way of achieving the consensus necessary to ensure that man the political animal, who fought with words and reason, prevailed over his “natural” counterpart. These premises lie at the heart of the project which is now being presented under the title of Res Publica: Citizenship and Political Representation in Portugal, 1820-1926. The fact that it is integrated into the centenary commemorations of the establishment of the Republic in Portugal is significant, as it was the idea of revolution – with its promise of rupture and change – that inspired it. However, it has also sought to explore events that could be considered the precursor of democratization in the history of Portugal, namely the vintista, setembrista and patuleia revolutions. It is true that the republican regime was opposed to the monarchic. However, although the thesis that monarchy would inevitably lead to tyranny had held sway for centuries, it had also been long believed that the monarchic system could be as “politically virtuous” as a republic (in the strict sense of the word) provided that power was not concentrated in the hands of a single individual. Moreover, various historical experiments had shown that republics could also degenerate into Caesarism and different kinds of despotism. Thus, when absolutism began to be overturned in continental Europe in the name of the natural rights of man and the new social pact theories, initiating the difficult process of (written) constitutionalization, the monarchic principle began to be qualified as a “monarchy hedged by republican institutions”, a situation in which not even the king was exempt from isonomy. This context justifies the time frame chosen here, as it captures the various changes and continuities that run through it. Having rejected the imperative mandate and the reinstatement of the model of corporative representation (which did not mean that, in new contexts, this might not be revived, or that the second chamber established by the Constitutional Charter of 1826 might not be given another lease of life), a new power base was convened: national sovereignty, a precept that would be shared by the monarchic constitutions of 1822 and 1838, and by the republican one of 1911. This followed the French example (manifested in the monarchic constitution of 1791 and in the Spanish constitution of 1812), as not even republicans entertained a tradition of republicanism based upon popular sovereignty. This enables us to better understand the rejection of direct democracy and universal suffrage, and also the long incapacitation (concerning voting and standing for office) of the vast body of “passive” citizens, justified by “enlightened”, property- and gender-based criteria. Although the republicans had promised in the propaganda phase to alter this situation, they ultimately failed to do so. Indeed, throughout the whole period under analysis, the realisation of the potential of national sovereignty was mediated above all by the individual citizen through his choice of representatives. However, this representation was indirect and took place at national level, in the hope that action would be motivated not by particular local interests but by the common good, as dictated by reason. This was considered the only way for the law to be virtuous, a requirement that was also manifested in the separation and balance of powers. As sovereignty was postulated as single and indivisible, so would be the nation that gave it soul and the State that embodied it. Although these characteristics were common to foreign paradigms of reference, in Portugal, the constitutionalization process also sought to nationalise the idea of Empire. Indeed, this had been the overriding purpose of the 1822 Constitution, and it persisted, even after the loss of Brazil, until decolonization. Then, the dream of a single nation stretching from the Minho to Timor finally came to an end.

Determinants of mother-baby relationship evaluated during pregnancy

ABSTRACT Background Mental health promotion is supported by a strong body of knowledge and is a matter of public health with the potential of a large impact on society. Mental health promotion programs should be implemented as soon as possible in life, preferably starting during pregnancy. Programs should focus on malleable determinants, introducing strategies to reduce risk factors or their impact on mother and child, and also on strengthening protective factors to increase resilience. The ambition of early detecting risk situations requires the development and use of tools to assess risk, and the creation of a responsive network of services based in primary health care, especially maternal consultation during pregnancy and the first months of the born child. The number of risk factors and the way they interact and are buffered by protective factors are relevant for the final impact. Maternal-fetal attachment (MFA) is not yet a totally understood and well operationalized concept. Methodological problems limit the comparison of data as many studies used small size samples, had an exploratory character or used different selection criteria and different measures. There is still a lack of studies in high risk populations evaluating the consequences of a weak MFA. Instead, the available studies are not very conclusive, but suggest that social support, anxiety and depression, self-esteem and self-control and sense of coherence are correlated with MFA. MFA is also correlated with health practices during pregnancy, that influence pregnancy and baby outcomes. MFA seems a relevant concept for the future mother baby interaction, but more studies are needed to clarify the concept and its operationalization. Attachment is a strong scientific concept with multiple implications for future child development, personality and relationship with others. Secure attachment is considered an essential basis of good mental health, and promoting mother-baby interaction offers an excellent opportunity to intervention programmes targeted at enhancing mental health and well-being. Understanding the process of attachment and intervening to improve attachment requires a comprehension of more proximal factors, but also a broader approach that assesses the impact of more distal social conditions on attachment and how this social impact is mediated by family functioning and mother-baby interaction. Finally, it is essential to understand how this knowledge could be translated in effective mental health promoting interventions and measures that could reach large populations of pregnant mothers and families. Strengthening emotional availability (EA) seems to be a relevant approach to improve the mother-baby relationship. In this review we have offered evidence suggesting a range of determinants of mother-infant relationship, including age, marital relationship, social disadvantages, migration, parental psychiatric disorders and the situations of abuse or neglect. Based on this theoretical background we constructed a theoretical model that included proximal and distal factors, risk and protective factors, including variables related to the mother, the father, their social support and mother baby interaction from early pregnancy until six months after birth. We selected the Antenatal Psychosocial Health Assessment (ALPHA) for use as an instrument to detect psychosocial risk during pregnancy. Method Ninety two pregnant women were recruited from the Maternal Health Consultation in Primary Health Care (PHC) at Amadora. They had three moments of assessment: at T1 (until 12 weeks of pregnancy) they filed out a questionnaire that included socio-demographic data, ALPHA, Edinburgh post-natal Depression Scale (EDPS), General Health Questionnaire (GHQ) and Sense of Coherence (SOC); at T2 (after the 20th weeks of pregnancy) they answered EDPS, SOC and MFA Scale (MFAS), and finally at T3 (6 months after birth), they repeated EDPS and SOC, and their interaction with their babies was videotaped and later evaluated using EA Scales. A statistical analysis has been done using descriptive statistics, correlation analysis, univariate logistic regression and multiple linear regression. Results The study has increased our knowledge on this particular population living in a multicultural, suburb community. It allow us to identify specific groups with a higher level of psychosocial risk, such as single or divorced women, young couples, mothers with a low level of education and those who are depressed or have a low SOC. The hypothesis that psychosocial risk is directly correlated with MFAS and that MFA is directly correlated with EA was not confirmed, neither the correlation between prenatal psychosocial risk and mother-baby EA. The study identified depression as a relevant risk factor in pregnancy and its higher prevalence in single or divorced women, immigrants and in those who have a higher global psychosocial risk. Depressed women have a poor MFA, and a lower structuring capacity and a higher hostility to their babies. In average, depression seems to reduce among pregnant women in the second part of their pregnancy. The children of immigrant mothers show a lower level of responsiveness to their mothers what could be transmitted through depression, as immigrant mothers have a higher risk of depression in the beginning of pregnancy and six months after birth. Young mothers have a low MFA and are more intrusive. Women who have a higher level of education are more sensitive and their babies showed to be more responsive. Women who are or have been submitted to abuse were found to have a higher level of MFA but their babies are less responsive to them. The study highlights the relevance of SOC as a potential protective factor while it is strongly and negatively related with a wide range of risk factors and mental health outcomes especially depression before, during and after pregnancy. Conclusions ALPHA proved to be a valid, feasible and reliable instrument to Primary Health Care (PHC) that can be used as a total sum score. We could not prove the association between psychosocial risk factors and MFA, neither between MFA and EA, or between psychosocial risk and EA. Depression and SOC seems to have a clear and opposite relevance on this process. Pregnancy can be considered as a maturational process and an opportunity to change, where adaptation processes occur, buffering risk, decreasing depression and increasing SOC. Further research is necessary to better understand interactions between variables and also to clarify a better operationalization of MFA. We recommend the use of ALPHA, SOC and EDPS in early pregnancy as a way of identifying more vulnerable women that will require additional interventions and support in order to decrease risk. At political level we recommend the reinforcement of Immigrant integration and the increment of education in women. We recommend more focus in health care and public health in mental health condition and psychosocial risk of specific groups at high risk. In PHC special attention should be paid to pregnant women who are single or divorced, very young, low educated and to immigrant mothers. This study provides the basis for an intervention programme for this population, that aims to reduce broad spectrum risk factors and to promote Mental Health in women who become pregnant. Health and mental health policies should facilitate the implementation of the suggested measures.

Politicization of non-political events

Spatial analysis and social network analysis typically take into consideration social processes in specific contexts of geographical or network space. The research in political science increasingly strives to model heterogeneity and spatial dependence. To better understand and geographically model the relationship between “non-political” events, streaming data from social networks, and political climate was the primary objective of the current study. Geographic information systems (GIS) are useful tools in the organization and analysis of streaming data from social networks. In this study, geographical and statistical analysis were combined in order to define the temporal and spatial nature of the data eminating from the popular social network Twitter during the 2014 FIFA World Cup. The study spans the entire globe because Twitter’s geotagging function, the fundamental data that makes this study possible, is not limited to a geographic area. By examining the public reactions to an inherenlty non-political event, this study serves to illuminate broader questions about social behavior and spatial dependence. From a practical perspective, the analyses demonstrate how the discussion of political topics fluсtuate according to football matches. Tableau and Rapidminer, in addition to a set basic statistical methods, were applied to find patterns in the social behavior in space and time in different geographic regions. It was found some insight into the relationship between an ostensibly non-political event – the World Cup - and public opinion transmitted by social media. The methodology could serve as a prototype for future studies and guide policy makers in governmental and non-governmental organizations in gauging the public opinion in certain geographic locations.

Correlates of intergenerational mobility and political violence

This work project aims at exploring the role of intergenerational immobility in political violence. A cross-country macro-level analysis is done where no significant results are found. Additionally, an individual micro-level analysis is done where intergenerational mobility (measured through a proxy variable) has a negative significant effect in political violence

US fiscal dynamics in political perspective

Given the importance of fiscal balance for ensuring a sustainable fiscal policy, we conduct an empirical examination of fiscal dynamics in the United States in response to unsustainable budget deviations. We concentrate on the role of political factors, namely the Republican - Democrat presidential divide, in determining the fiscal response to budget disequilibria. Making use of an asymmetric cointegration framework, we explore politically motivated fiscal asymmetries in the US, from Eisenhower to Obama. We conclude that political factors such as the government’s political quadrant and the timing of elections are important determinants of the fiscal response to unsustainable budget deviations.

Work ethic and the legacies of political regimes

This article studies the cross-country differences in work ethic and claims that different political regimes transmitted different work ethics that still persist today. Using the World Values Survey and starting our political regime analysis in 1900, we find that Democratic regimes promote more effectively work relevance and competitiveness than Autocratic and Anocratic regimes, and that the political regime history of the country is more important than the present level of democracy. Moreover, we prove that this differences were transmitted through generations by parents, who optimally choose what work ethic to transmit taking into account their own values.

Weimar and the crisis of political legitimacy in Late Modernity : Max Weber, Hans Kelsen and Carl Schmitt

Através da comparação das ideias de três grandes teóricos da política no conturbado contexto da República de Weimar, esta dissertação pretende reconsiderar a crise da legitimidade política na modernidade tardia. Tal crise é concebida tanto em sentido estrito, enquanto crise das democracias liberais perante os efeitos de rápidas mudanças sociais e a emergência da política de massas, como em sentido lato, ou seja, enquanto crise dos alicerces político-intelectuais da era moderna. Nessa medida, veremos como os juízos de Weber, Kelsen e Schmitt não se limitam a veicular veredictos contrastantes sobre a democracia de massas, o parlamentarismo e os partidos políticos, remetendo também para narrativas distintas sobre o destino do homem moderno – narrativas que oscilam entre o optimismo moderado, a ambivalência e a reacção hostil.

O serviço fiscal aduaneiro criminal e contraordenacional da GNR

At a time of global economic instability, to which Portugal is not oblivious, and aware that the main source of Portuguese State revenue relies on the collection of tribute, the National Republican Guard holds within its mission relevant assignments to the protection of the financial interests of the country, in particular, fiscal and customs. These assignments were inherited from the century - old institution Guarda Fiscal - with evidence given in this domain, which was integrated into the National Republican Guard in 1993, to adopt, a 1St model, that held a specialized unit – Brigada Fiscal, with surveillance and patrolling missions of costa and fiscal and customs supervision, throughout the national territory and maritime zone of respect. In 2009, the result of political decisions, reorganization the State's central administration, appears de 2Nd model, because the Brigada Fiscal assignments were divided by two specialized units - UAF with investigation skills, and UCC for patrolling and surveillance of the coast. Analyzed the legal spectrum of special legislation leading the criminal and transgression sector punitive (RGIT), in essence, is in the UAF that resides the role assignments from the scope of the investigation and supervision of goods in the national territory on a par with the tax authority. Tax inspection assignments, fiscal and customs of the National Republican Guard, are unmatched in the National Tribute System, constituting itself as a potentiality of this special body, in similarity of their counterparts - Spain and Italy; however, have some constraints, that urge to clarify and repair. Foreseeing the future, face the announced news of a new restructuring, on behalf of the interests of the country, and in order to raise the quality of performance of the tax inspection, fiscal and customs, the National Republican Guard shall maintain a model based on the experience already accumulated, obviously adapted to the new demands of a changing society. Despite the current model gain in efficiency, loses in effectiveness. However, the efficiency of a model, without the necessary resources, can never bring “the letter to Garcia” against any kind of infringements, criminal or transgressions. Unless better opinion, both tax structures of the National Republican Guard are valid as an instrument for the prevention and combat of these illegal types. Because they are strategic in pursuing the public interest, given the scarce resources of the country and be the National Republican Guard, the force with the means and know-how of this nature. The political power has the final word.