Designing market-based instruments for biodiversity conservation: learning with the Australian experience and evaluating Portugal's potential

Dissertação apresentada na Faculdade de Ciências e Tecnologia da Universidade Nova de Lisboa para a obtenção do grau de Mestre em Engenharia do Ambiente, perfil Gestão de Sistemas Ambientais

Local political elites and the Revolution: Portalegre 1941-1997

Who directs local politics? Which social and professional groups directed city and village councils in Portugal? What was their evolution and behaviour for the second half of the twentieth century, during the final years of the Estado Novo and the political transition provided by the Revolution of April 25th, 1974?

Avaliação dos serviços de saúde mental em Moçambique

RESUMO: O instrumento de avaliação de sistemas de saúde mental da organização mundial de saúde (WHO-AIMS)foi usado para a recolha de informações sobre o Programa Nacional de Saúde Mental de Moçambique. O presente estudo tem como objectivo melhorar o Programa Nacional de Saúde Mental e fornecer um ponto de partida para a monitorização das mudanças. Os resultados do estudo permitirão a Moçambique fortalecer a sua capacidade para desenvolver planos de saúde mental baseados em informações com pontos de partida e metas bem definidos. O relatório será também útil para a monitorização do progresso da implementação de reformas nas políticas de saúde mental, na disponibilização de serviços de base comunitária, e no envolvimento dos utentes, seus familiares e outros actores na promoção, prevenção,cuidados e reabilitação em saúde mental. Tendo em conta os antecedentes históricos da saúde mental em Moçambique, a realidade actual clama por reformas profundas voltadas para uma intervenção mais humanizada e com enfoque nos cuidados primários. É nesse contexto que o estudo realizado apresenta resultados relacionados com as políticas, legislação, estratégias e planos de acção e financiamento para a saúde mental; serviços de saúde mental;cuidados primários; recursos humanos e ligação com outros sectores chave. A saúde mental foi avaliada desde o sistema de gestão até ao nível comunitário. Relativamente aos órgãos de gestão, a principal constatação é que existem instrumentos legais para sustentar as iniciativas desta área e influenciar os meios políticos em prol da saúde mental. Todavia, o caminho a percorrer ainda é longo uma vez que não está ainda aprovada nenhuma lei de saúde mental e os financiamentos para a área não permitem a implementação das reformas necessárias. Os serviços ao nível clínico debatem-se com a problemática dos recursos humanos (constituídos principalmente por técnicos de psiquiatria) e disponibilidade de psicofármacos. O modelo biopsicossocial ainda não é implementado integralmente uma vez que são poucos os serviços que oferecem apoio psicossocial (que inclui a reabilitação e reintegração) para além da intervenção farmacológica. Esta pode ser considerada uma das principais causas de recaídas identificadas em todas as províncias. Há uma necessidade urgente de se realizarem pesquisas e levantamentos epidemiológicos que possam servir de suporte para a advocacia em saúde mental com vista a melhoria dos cuidados a prestar aos pacientes e comunidade. Os instrumentos de recolha de informação de rotina não são adequados limitando a fidelidade dos dados recolhidos e a possibilidade de uma gestão dos serviços de saúde mental que responda as reais necessidades da população. Em suma, os resultados aqui apresentados mostram que Moçambique tem uma base que pode ser considerada uma mais valia para a reforma do sistema de saúde mental. Existem, ainda que escassos, recursos como humanos, infra-estruturas e legislação para a prestação dos serviços clínicos. É preciso investir na saúde mental para que os recursos existentes sejam melhorados e expandidos, apostando na criação de equipas multidisciplinares e qualificação das equipas de gestão e equipas clínicas. --------ABSTRACT: The World Health Organization Assessment Instrument for Mental Health Services (WHO-AIMS) was used to collect information about the National Mental Health Program of Mozambique. The present study aims to improve the National Mental Health Program and provide a starting point for monitoring change. The study results will allow Mozambique to strengthen its capacity to develop mental health plans based on information with starting points and well-defined goals. The report will also be useful for monitoring the progress of implementation of reforms in mental health policies, the provision of community-based services, and involvement of users, their families and other stakeholders in the promotion, prevention, care and rehabilitation in mental health. Given the historical background of mental health in Mozambique, the current situation calls for reforms aimed at a more humane intervention focused on primary care. In this context, the study presents results related to policies, legislation, strategies and action plans and funding for mental health; mental health services; primary care; human resources and liaison with other key sectors. Mental health was assessed from the management system to the community level. With regard to the management, the main observation is that there are legal instruments to support the initiatives in this area and to influence the political means on behalf of mental health. However, the pathway is still long as it is not yet approved any Mental Health Law and the funding for the area do not allow the implementation of necessary reforms. Services at the clinical level are struggling with the issue of human resources (consisting primarily of psychiatrist technicians) and availability of psychotropic drugs. The biopsychosocial model is not yet fully implemented since there are few services providing psychosocial support (including rehabilitation and reintegration) in addition to pharmacological intervention. This can be considered a major cause of relapse identified in all provinces. There is an urgent need to conduct research and epidemiological surveys which could provide support for advocacy in mental health in order to improve the mental health car for the patients and community. The routine data collection instruments are not appropriate limiting the fidelity of the data collected and the possibility of a management of mental health services that meets the real needs of the population. In summary, the results presented here show that Mozambique has a groundwork that can be considered an asset for the reform of mental health system. There are, though scarce, human resources, infrastructure and legislation for the provision of clinical services. It’s necessary to invest in mental health so that existing resources are improved and expanded, and to invest on the creation of multidisciplinary teams and qualification of management teams and clinical teams.

Treasury bond returns and U.S. political cycles

A Work Project, presented as part of the requirements for the Award of a Masters Degree in Finance from the NOVA – School of Business and Economics

Regulation and disclosure about financial instruments: Evidence on financial reporting in the Portuguese banking sector

A Work Project, presented as part of the requirements for the Award of a Masters Degree in Finance from the NOVA – School of Business and Economics

Migrant networks and political participation in Mozambique

A Work Project, presented as part of the requirements for the Award of a Masters Degree in Economics from the NOVA – School of Business and Economics

Health expenditures in the OECD: A political economy analysis using structural breaks

A Masters Thesis, presented as part of the requirements for the award of a Research Masters Degree in Economics from NOVA – School of Business and Economics

From Strategic Planning to Development Initiatives: a first reflection on the situation of Lisbon and Barcelona

MARQUES, B.P. (2014) From Strategic Planning to Development Initiatives: a first reflection on the situation of Lisbon and Barcelona, in 20th APDR Congress Proceddings, APDR and UÉvora, Évora, pp. 850-857, ISBN 978-989-8780-01-0.

Res Publica: Citizenship and Political Representation in Portugal, 1820-1926

The term res publica (literally “thing of the people”) was coined by the Romans to translate the Greek word politeia, which, as we know, referred to a political community organised in accordance with certain principles, amongst which the notion of the “good life” (as against exclusively private interests) was paramount. This ideal also came to be known as political virtue. To achieve it, it was necessary to combine the best of each “constitutional” type and avoid their worst aspects (tyranny, oligarchy and ochlocracy). Hence, the term acquired from the Greeks a sense of being a “mixed” and “balanced” system. Anyone that was entitled to citizenship could participate in the governance of the “public thing”. This implied the institutionalization of open debate and confrontation between interested parties as a way of achieving the consensus necessary to ensure that man the political animal, who fought with words and reason, prevailed over his “natural” counterpart. These premises lie at the heart of the project which is now being presented under the title of Res Publica: Citizenship and Political Representation in Portugal, 1820-1926. The fact that it is integrated into the centenary commemorations of the establishment of the Republic in Portugal is significant, as it was the idea of revolution – with its promise of rupture and change – that inspired it. However, it has also sought to explore events that could be considered the precursor of democratization in the history of Portugal, namely the vintista, setembrista and patuleia revolutions. It is true that the republican regime was opposed to the monarchic. However, although the thesis that monarchy would inevitably lead to tyranny had held sway for centuries, it had also been long believed that the monarchic system could be as “politically virtuous” as a republic (in the strict sense of the word) provided that power was not concentrated in the hands of a single individual. Moreover, various historical experiments had shown that republics could also degenerate into Caesarism and different kinds of despotism. Thus, when absolutism began to be overturned in continental Europe in the name of the natural rights of man and the new social pact theories, initiating the difficult process of (written) constitutionalization, the monarchic principle began to be qualified as a “monarchy hedged by republican institutions”, a situation in which not even the king was exempt from isonomy. This context justifies the time frame chosen here, as it captures the various changes and continuities that run through it. Having rejected the imperative mandate and the reinstatement of the model of corporative representation (which did not mean that, in new contexts, this might not be revived, or that the second chamber established by the Constitutional Charter of 1826 might not be given another lease of life), a new power base was convened: national sovereignty, a precept that would be shared by the monarchic constitutions of 1822 and 1838, and by the republican one of 1911. This followed the French example (manifested in the monarchic constitution of 1791 and in the Spanish constitution of 1812), as not even republicans entertained a tradition of republicanism based upon popular sovereignty. This enables us to better understand the rejection of direct democracy and universal suffrage, and also the long incapacitation (concerning voting and standing for office) of the vast body of “passive” citizens, justified by “enlightened”, property- and gender-based criteria. Although the republicans had promised in the propaganda phase to alter this situation, they ultimately failed to do so. Indeed, throughout the whole period under analysis, the realisation of the potential of national sovereignty was mediated above all by the individual citizen through his choice of representatives. However, this representation was indirect and took place at national level, in the hope that action would be motivated not by particular local interests but by the common good, as dictated by reason. This was considered the only way for the law to be virtuous, a requirement that was also manifested in the separation and balance of powers. As sovereignty was postulated as single and indivisible, so would be the nation that gave it soul and the State that embodied it. Although these characteristics were common to foreign paradigms of reference, in Portugal, the constitutionalization process also sought to nationalise the idea of Empire. Indeed, this had been the overriding purpose of the 1822 Constitution, and it persisted, even after the loss of Brazil, until decolonization. Then, the dream of a single nation stretching from the Minho to Timor finally came to an end.

Politicization of non-political events

Spatial analysis and social network analysis typically take into consideration social processes in specific contexts of geographical or network space. The research in political science increasingly strives to model heterogeneity and spatial dependence. To better understand and geographically model the relationship between “non-political” events, streaming data from social networks, and political climate was the primary objective of the current study. Geographic information systems (GIS) are useful tools in the organization and analysis of streaming data from social networks. In this study, geographical and statistical analysis were combined in order to define the temporal and spatial nature of the data eminating from the popular social network Twitter during the 2014 FIFA World Cup. The study spans the entire globe because Twitter’s geotagging function, the fundamental data that makes this study possible, is not limited to a geographic area. By examining the public reactions to an inherenlty non-political event, this study serves to illuminate broader questions about social behavior and spatial dependence. From a practical perspective, the analyses demonstrate how the discussion of political topics fluсtuate according to football matches. Tableau and Rapidminer, in addition to a set basic statistical methods, were applied to find patterns in the social behavior in space and time in different geographic regions. It was found some insight into the relationship between an ostensibly non-political event – the World Cup - and public opinion transmitted by social media. The methodology could serve as a prototype for future studies and guide policy makers in governmental and non-governmental organizations in gauging the public opinion in certain geographic locations.

Correlates of intergenerational mobility and political violence

This work project aims at exploring the role of intergenerational immobility in political violence. A cross-country macro-level analysis is done where no significant results are found. Additionally, an individual micro-level analysis is done where intergenerational mobility (measured through a proxy variable) has a negative significant effect in political violence

US fiscal dynamics in political perspective

Given the importance of fiscal balance for ensuring a sustainable fiscal policy, we conduct an empirical examination of fiscal dynamics in the United States in response to unsustainable budget deviations. We concentrate on the role of political factors, namely the Republican - Democrat presidential divide, in determining the fiscal response to budget disequilibria. Making use of an asymmetric cointegration framework, we explore politically motivated fiscal asymmetries in the US, from Eisenhower to Obama. We conclude that political factors such as the government’s political quadrant and the timing of elections are important determinants of the fiscal response to unsustainable budget deviations.

Work ethic and the legacies of political regimes

This article studies the cross-country differences in work ethic and claims that different political regimes transmitted different work ethics that still persist today. Using the World Values Survey and starting our political regime analysis in 1900, we find that Democratic regimes promote more effectively work relevance and competitiveness than Autocratic and Anocratic regimes, and that the political regime history of the country is more important than the present level of democracy. Moreover, we prove that this differences were transmitted through generations by parents, who optimally choose what work ethic to transmit taking into account their own values.

Decisions of technology innovation: the role of indicators

This work presents research conducted to understand the role of indicators in decisions of technology innovation. A gap was detected in the literature of innovation and technology assessment about the use and influence of indicators in this type of decision. It was important to address this gap because indicators are often frequent elements of innovation and technology assessment studies. The research was designed to determine the extent of the use and influence of indicators in decisions of technology innovation, to characterize the role of indicators in these decisions, and to understand how indicators are used in these decisions. The latter involved the test of four possible explanatory factors: the type and phase of decision, and the context and process of construction of evidence. Furthermore, it focused on three Portuguese innovation groups: public researchers, business R&D&I leaders and policymakers. The research used a combination of methods to collect quantitative and qualitative information, such as surveys, case studies and social network analysis. This research concluded that the use of indicators is different from their influence in decisions of technology innovation. In fact, there is a high use of indicators in these decisions, but lower and differentiated differences in their influence in each innovation group. This suggests that political-behavioural methods are also involved in the decisions to different degrees. The main social influences in the decisions came mostly from hierarchies, knowledge-based contacts and users. Furthermore, the research established that indicators played mostly symbolic roles in decisions of policymakers and business R&D&I leaders, although their role with researchers was more differentiated. Indicators were also described as helpful instruments to conduct a reasonable interpretation of data and to balance options in innovation and technology assessments studies, in particular when contextualised, described in detail and with discussion upon the options made. Results suggest that there are four main explanatory factors for the role of indicators in these decisions: First, the type of decision appears to be a factor to consider when explaining the role of indicators. In fact, each type of decision had different influences on the way indicators are used, and each type of decision used different types of indicators. Results for policy-making were particularly different from decisions of acquisition and development of products/technology. Second, the phase of the decision can help to understand the role indicators play in these decisions. Results distinguished between two phases detected in all decisions – before and after the decision – as well as two other phases that can be used to complement the decision process and where indicators can be involved. Third, the context of decision is an important factor to consider when explaining the way indicators are taken into consideration in policy decisions. In fact, the role of indicators can be influenced by the particular context of the decision maker, in which all types of evidence can be selected or downplayed. More importantly, the use of persuasive analytical evidence appears to be related with the dispute existent in the policy context. Fourth and last, the process of construction of evidence is a factor to consider when explaining the way indicators are involved in these decisions. In fact, indicators and other evidence were brought to the decision processes according to their availability and capacity to support the different arguments and interests of the actors and stakeholders. In one case, an indicator lost much persuasion strength with the controversies that it went through during the decision process. Therefore, it can be argued that the use of indicators is high but not very influential; their role is mostly symbolic to policymakers and business decisions, but varies among researchers. The role of indicators in these decisions depends on the type and phase of the decision and the context and process of construction of evidence. The latter two are related to the particular context of each decision maker, the existence of elements of dispute and controversies that influence the way indicators are introduced in the decision-making process.