O plano de deslocações urbanas e a resposta estratégica que falta aos PROTs e PDMs: A descentralização do planeamento do território e dos transportes

The sustainable urban mobility plan is the framework of planning and organisation of mobility system. It is a strategic and operational plan with consequences in the planning and organisation of territorial and transport systems. When it’s defining the principles and the objectives of sustainable development and when it’s working in the scenarios of modal shift more favourable to the alternative modes than the car, the planning and the organisation of territory will be integrated on the political of reduction of road circulation volumes, in the reduction of GEE, waste of space and time, in the improvement of quality of urban environment. The Urbanism Agencies and the Urban Transport Authorities will get their selves in the urban mobility plan, in territory scenarios development, mobility and transports, with the objective to understand the sustainable politics in the accessibilities which are available by the transportation bill. In Portugal, although the authorities are not yet working, the law (1/2009) recently approved in last December and published at the beginning of the year, they have the sustainable urban mobility plans forward in this strategy.

Local political elites and the Revolution: Portalegre 1941-1997

Who directs local politics? Which social and professional groups directed city and village councils in Portugal? What was their evolution and behaviour for the second half of the twentieth century, during the final years of the Estado Novo and the political transition provided by the Revolution of April 25th, 1974?

Treasury bond returns and U.S. political cycles

A Work Project, presented as part of the requirements for the Award of a Masters Degree in Finance from the NOVA – School of Business and Economics

Migrant networks and political participation in Mozambique

A Work Project, presented as part of the requirements for the Award of a Masters Degree in Economics from the NOVA – School of Business and Economics

Health expenditures in the OECD: A political economy analysis using structural breaks

A Masters Thesis, presented as part of the requirements for the award of a Research Masters Degree in Economics from NOVA – School of Business and Economics

Draft for a Mental Health strategy Lebanon

RESUMO: O Líbano é um pequeno país na costa leste do Mar Mediterrâneo, com uma população de aproximadamente 4.350.000 pessoas, incluindo 1,5 milhões de refugiados, 400 mil dos quais são palestinos atendidos pela UNRWA (Agência das Nações Unidas de Socorro aos Refugiados da Palestina) (UNHCR, 2013; OMS, 2010a). Desde 2012, um excedente de 1.000.000 refugiados sírios cruzaram a fronteira com o Líbano, representando um aumento populacional de aproximadamente 25%. Além disso, entre 1975 e 1990, a violenta guerra civil pela qual o Líbano passou, destruiu grande parte da infra-estrutura do país, incluindo os serviços de saúde. O sector da saúde, mais especificamente os serviços de saúde mental, é majoritariamente privado. Serviços especializados em Saúde Mental estão disponíveis em três hospitais psiquiátricos privados, e em 4 unidades psiquiátricas de hospitais gerais, que estão localizados centralmente em torno da capital, Beirute. O Líbano é um dos dois únicos países da região que não tem uma Política de Saúde Mental e um dos seis países que não têm uma Legislação em Saúde Mental. Nos últimos anos, a Saúde Mental está sendo colocada no topo da agenda nacional, apesar das contínuas questões políticas e de segurança. Baseando-se nas informações acima, um projecto de estratégia em Saúde Mental, conduzido pelo Ministério da Saúde e apoiado pela OMS, foi escrito para servir como um guia para trabalhar em diferentes aspectos relacionados tanto em saúde mental quanto em organização dos serviços, revisão de legislação, financiamento e proteção dos direitos humanos básicos dos usuários do serviço. Esta tese descreve o processo pelo qual o projecto de estratégia nacional de Saúde Mental foi desenvolvido, seus principais componentes, os próximos passos a serem tomados para a sua implementação, os desafios e as oportunidades para implementá-lo e propõe alguns passos iniciais a serem tomados em primeiro lugar.----------ABSTRACT: Lebanon is a small country on the eastern shore of the Mediterranean Sea with a population of approximately 4,350,000 including 1,500,000 refugees, 400,000 of whom are Palestinians served by UNRWA (the United Nations Relief and Works Agency for Palestine Refugees) (UNHCR, 2013; WHO, 2010a). Since 2012 an excess of 1,000,000 Syrian refugees have crossed the border into Lebanon accounting for approximately 25% increase in the population. In addition, from 1975 to 1990 Lebanon underwent a violent civil war that had also destroyed much of the country infrastructure including health services. The health sector, more so the mental health services, is mostly private. Specialized Mental Health services are available at three private mental hospitals, and 4 psychiatric units within general hospitals, which are located centrally around the capital, Beirut. Lebanon is one of only two countries of the region that does not have a Mental Health policy and one out of the six countries that does not have a Mental Health legislation. In recent years, Mental Health is getting placed higher on the national agenda despite the ever continuing political and security issues. Based on the above, A Mental Health strategy draft, lead by the Ministry of Health and supported by WHO, was written to serve as a guide to work on different aspects related to Mental Health from service organization, to the revision of legislation, financing and the protection of the basic human rights of service users. This thesis describes the process through which the national Mental Health draft strategy was developed, its main components, the next steps to be taken for its implementation, the challenges and the opportunities to implementing it and proposes a few initial steps to be taken first.

Res Publica: Citizenship and Political Representation in Portugal, 1820-1926

The term res publica (literally “thing of the people”) was coined by the Romans to translate the Greek word politeia, which, as we know, referred to a political community organised in accordance with certain principles, amongst which the notion of the “good life” (as against exclusively private interests) was paramount. This ideal also came to be known as political virtue. To achieve it, it was necessary to combine the best of each “constitutional” type and avoid their worst aspects (tyranny, oligarchy and ochlocracy). Hence, the term acquired from the Greeks a sense of being a “mixed” and “balanced” system. Anyone that was entitled to citizenship could participate in the governance of the “public thing”. This implied the institutionalization of open debate and confrontation between interested parties as a way of achieving the consensus necessary to ensure that man the political animal, who fought with words and reason, prevailed over his “natural” counterpart. These premises lie at the heart of the project which is now being presented under the title of Res Publica: Citizenship and Political Representation in Portugal, 1820-1926. The fact that it is integrated into the centenary commemorations of the establishment of the Republic in Portugal is significant, as it was the idea of revolution – with its promise of rupture and change – that inspired it. However, it has also sought to explore events that could be considered the precursor of democratization in the history of Portugal, namely the vintista, setembrista and patuleia revolutions. It is true that the republican regime was opposed to the monarchic. However, although the thesis that monarchy would inevitably lead to tyranny had held sway for centuries, it had also been long believed that the monarchic system could be as “politically virtuous” as a republic (in the strict sense of the word) provided that power was not concentrated in the hands of a single individual. Moreover, various historical experiments had shown that republics could also degenerate into Caesarism and different kinds of despotism. Thus, when absolutism began to be overturned in continental Europe in the name of the natural rights of man and the new social pact theories, initiating the difficult process of (written) constitutionalization, the monarchic principle began to be qualified as a “monarchy hedged by republican institutions”, a situation in which not even the king was exempt from isonomy. This context justifies the time frame chosen here, as it captures the various changes and continuities that run through it. Having rejected the imperative mandate and the reinstatement of the model of corporative representation (which did not mean that, in new contexts, this might not be revived, or that the second chamber established by the Constitutional Charter of 1826 might not be given another lease of life), a new power base was convened: national sovereignty, a precept that would be shared by the monarchic constitutions of 1822 and 1838, and by the republican one of 1911. This followed the French example (manifested in the monarchic constitution of 1791 and in the Spanish constitution of 1812), as not even republicans entertained a tradition of republicanism based upon popular sovereignty. This enables us to better understand the rejection of direct democracy and universal suffrage, and also the long incapacitation (concerning voting and standing for office) of the vast body of “passive” citizens, justified by “enlightened”, property- and gender-based criteria. Although the republicans had promised in the propaganda phase to alter this situation, they ultimately failed to do so. Indeed, throughout the whole period under analysis, the realisation of the potential of national sovereignty was mediated above all by the individual citizen through his choice of representatives. However, this representation was indirect and took place at national level, in the hope that action would be motivated not by particular local interests but by the common good, as dictated by reason. This was considered the only way for the law to be virtuous, a requirement that was also manifested in the separation and balance of powers. As sovereignty was postulated as single and indivisible, so would be the nation that gave it soul and the State that embodied it. Although these characteristics were common to foreign paradigms of reference, in Portugal, the constitutionalization process also sought to nationalise the idea of Empire. Indeed, this had been the overriding purpose of the 1822 Constitution, and it persisted, even after the loss of Brazil, until decolonization. Then, the dream of a single nation stretching from the Minho to Timor finally came to an end.

Politicization of non-political events

Spatial analysis and social network analysis typically take into consideration social processes in specific contexts of geographical or network space. The research in political science increasingly strives to model heterogeneity and spatial dependence. To better understand and geographically model the relationship between “non-political” events, streaming data from social networks, and political climate was the primary objective of the current study. Geographic information systems (GIS) are useful tools in the organization and analysis of streaming data from social networks. In this study, geographical and statistical analysis were combined in order to define the temporal and spatial nature of the data eminating from the popular social network Twitter during the 2014 FIFA World Cup. The study spans the entire globe because Twitter’s geotagging function, the fundamental data that makes this study possible, is not limited to a geographic area. By examining the public reactions to an inherenlty non-political event, this study serves to illuminate broader questions about social behavior and spatial dependence. From a practical perspective, the analyses demonstrate how the discussion of political topics fluсtuate according to football matches. Tableau and Rapidminer, in addition to a set basic statistical methods, were applied to find patterns in the social behavior in space and time in different geographic regions. It was found some insight into the relationship between an ostensibly non-political event – the World Cup - and public opinion transmitted by social media. The methodology could serve as a prototype for future studies and guide policy makers in governmental and non-governmental organizations in gauging the public opinion in certain geographic locations.

Correlates of intergenerational mobility and political violence

This work project aims at exploring the role of intergenerational immobility in political violence. A cross-country macro-level analysis is done where no significant results are found. Additionally, an individual micro-level analysis is done where intergenerational mobility (measured through a proxy variable) has a negative significant effect in political violence

US fiscal dynamics in political perspective

Given the importance of fiscal balance for ensuring a sustainable fiscal policy, we conduct an empirical examination of fiscal dynamics in the United States in response to unsustainable budget deviations. We concentrate on the role of political factors, namely the Republican - Democrat presidential divide, in determining the fiscal response to budget disequilibria. Making use of an asymmetric cointegration framework, we explore politically motivated fiscal asymmetries in the US, from Eisenhower to Obama. We conclude that political factors such as the government’s political quadrant and the timing of elections are important determinants of the fiscal response to unsustainable budget deviations.

Work ethic and the legacies of political regimes

This article studies the cross-country differences in work ethic and claims that different political regimes transmitted different work ethics that still persist today. Using the World Values Survey and starting our political regime analysis in 1900, we find that Democratic regimes promote more effectively work relevance and competitiveness than Autocratic and Anocratic regimes, and that the political regime history of the country is more important than the present level of democracy. Moreover, we prove that this differences were transmitted through generations by parents, who optimally choose what work ethic to transmit taking into account their own values.

Weimar and the crisis of political legitimacy in Late Modernity : Max Weber, Hans Kelsen and Carl Schmitt

Através da comparação das ideias de três grandes teóricos da política no conturbado contexto da República de Weimar, esta dissertação pretende reconsiderar a crise da legitimidade política na modernidade tardia. Tal crise é concebida tanto em sentido estrito, enquanto crise das democracias liberais perante os efeitos de rápidas mudanças sociais e a emergência da política de massas, como em sentido lato, ou seja, enquanto crise dos alicerces político-intelectuais da era moderna. Nessa medida, veremos como os juízos de Weber, Kelsen e Schmitt não se limitam a veicular veredictos contrastantes sobre a democracia de massas, o parlamentarismo e os partidos políticos, remetendo também para narrativas distintas sobre o destino do homem moderno – narrativas que oscilam entre o optimismo moderado, a ambivalência e a reacção hostil.