Res Publica: Citizenship and Political Representation in Portugal, 1820-1926

The term res publica (literally “thing of the people”) was coined by the Romans to translate the Greek word politeia, which, as we know, referred to a political community organised in accordance with certain principles, amongst which the notion of the “good life” (as against exclusively private interests) was paramount. This ideal also came to be known as political virtue. To achieve it, it was necessary to combine the best of each “constitutional” type and avoid their worst aspects (tyranny, oligarchy and ochlocracy). Hence, the term acquired from the Greeks a sense of being a “mixed” and “balanced” system. Anyone that was entitled to citizenship could participate in the governance of the “public thing”. This implied the institutionalization of open debate and confrontation between interested parties as a way of achieving the consensus necessary to ensure that man the political animal, who fought with words and reason, prevailed over his “natural” counterpart. These premises lie at the heart of the project which is now being presented under the title of Res Publica: Citizenship and Political Representation in Portugal, 1820-1926. The fact that it is integrated into the centenary commemorations of the establishment of the Republic in Portugal is significant, as it was the idea of revolution – with its promise of rupture and change – that inspired it. However, it has also sought to explore events that could be considered the precursor of democratization in the history of Portugal, namely the vintista, setembrista and patuleia revolutions. It is true that the republican regime was opposed to the monarchic. However, although the thesis that monarchy would inevitably lead to tyranny had held sway for centuries, it had also been long believed that the monarchic system could be as “politically virtuous” as a republic (in the strict sense of the word) provided that power was not concentrated in the hands of a single individual. Moreover, various historical experiments had shown that republics could also degenerate into Caesarism and different kinds of despotism. Thus, when absolutism began to be overturned in continental Europe in the name of the natural rights of man and the new social pact theories, initiating the difficult process of (written) constitutionalization, the monarchic principle began to be qualified as a “monarchy hedged by republican institutions”, a situation in which not even the king was exempt from isonomy. This context justifies the time frame chosen here, as it captures the various changes and continuities that run through it. Having rejected the imperative mandate and the reinstatement of the model of corporative representation (which did not mean that, in new contexts, this might not be revived, or that the second chamber established by the Constitutional Charter of 1826 might not be given another lease of life), a new power base was convened: national sovereignty, a precept that would be shared by the monarchic constitutions of 1822 and 1838, and by the republican one of 1911. This followed the French example (manifested in the monarchic constitution of 1791 and in the Spanish constitution of 1812), as not even republicans entertained a tradition of republicanism based upon popular sovereignty. This enables us to better understand the rejection of direct democracy and universal suffrage, and also the long incapacitation (concerning voting and standing for office) of the vast body of “passive” citizens, justified by “enlightened”, property- and gender-based criteria. Although the republicans had promised in the propaganda phase to alter this situation, they ultimately failed to do so. Indeed, throughout the whole period under analysis, the realisation of the potential of national sovereignty was mediated above all by the individual citizen through his choice of representatives. However, this representation was indirect and took place at national level, in the hope that action would be motivated not by particular local interests but by the common good, as dictated by reason. This was considered the only way for the law to be virtuous, a requirement that was also manifested in the separation and balance of powers. As sovereignty was postulated as single and indivisible, so would be the nation that gave it soul and the State that embodied it. Although these characteristics were common to foreign paradigms of reference, in Portugal, the constitutionalization process also sought to nationalise the idea of Empire. Indeed, this had been the overriding purpose of the 1822 Constitution, and it persisted, even after the loss of Brazil, until decolonization. Then, the dream of a single nation stretching from the Minho to Timor finally came to an end.

Direct electrochemistry of the Desulfovibrio gigas aldehyde oxidoreductase

Eur. J. Biochem. 271, 1329–1338 (2004)

Direct torque control em máquinas assíncronas

Dissertação apresentada na Faculdade de Ciências e Tecnologia da Universidade Nova de Lisboa para obtenção do grau de Mestre em Engenharia Electrotécnica e de Computadores

Estudo descritivo do perfil de utilizador da linha Saúde 24 com análise de impacto ao nível da eficiência, equidade e empowerment em comparação com o modelo inglês NHS Direct

RESUMO - A 8 de Maio de 2008 surgiu o centro de atendimento “Linha Saúde24” (S24) no sentido de modernizar o SNS, aproximando-o do cidadão. O serviço surge baseado no modelo inglês – o NHS Direct – que pode ser encarado como um serviço de informação telefónico apoiado por enfermeiros, disponível 24h por dia, concebido para expandir os serviços púbicos de acesso à rede prestadora de cuidados com intuito de aliviar a pressão da procura na rede de urgências hospitalares e médicos de família, assim como diluir as iniquidades regionais na prestação de serviços. A S24 assenta na perspectiva de ser um ponto de contacto inicial do utente com a rede de prestação de cuidados de saúde com capacidade de orientação. O objectivo da linha está na tentativa mais eficiente no uso dos recursos disponíveis, ao mesmo tempo que delega responsabilidade no cidadão na forma como este utiliza os recursos disponíveis, com melhor racionalização financeira na área da saúde aliada a uma melhor qualidade de serviço prestada e adequada, colocando os cidadãos no mesmo patamar, diluindo as dificuldades de acesso a aqueles que necessitam na tentativa de harmonizar e racionalizar o consumo de serviços de saúde. Esta estrutura permite ao cidadão conhecer melhor o seu estado de saúde e decidir mais acertadamente quanto à decisão a tomar. Com este estudo, e com base na literatura nacional e internacional, pretende-se descrever o perfil de utilizador que acede à S24 – definir o tipo de utilizador, disposição geográfica, motivos pelo qual acede ao serviço e qual o seu destino final, fazendo comparação com o perfil do NHS Direct. Assim, e com os dados obtidos, far-se-á uma avaliação preliminar em termos do contributo da linha S24 no que concerne à sua eficiência, equidade e empowerment dado ao utilizador. --- ------------------------------ABSTRACT - Saúde 24 (S24) is a national 24-hour health line initiated in May 2008 aiming at modernizing the Portuguese NHS by bringing it closer to the citizen. Indeed, S24 be seen as an initial contact point between the patient and the healthcare network, facilitating a better a management of health care demand. The service is inspired on the UK NHS Direct – a nurse-led telephone line to provide easier and faster advice information to people about health, illness and NHS services. It is expected to provide information so that people can deal with their health problems or their families´ on their own, with the purpose of reducing demand to A&E department and out-of-hours GP services. Additionally it can contribute to a reduction in regional inequities in healthcare provision through bringing health care advice to remote areas. The purpose of S24 is to handle more efficiently the available resources by enabling responsibilities in citizens. By doing so, S24 encourages a more appropriate use of available resources, with better financial outcomes and a better quality of care. It is meant, in terms of empowerment, to help people to be in control of their health and healthcare interactions by participating in the final decision. Based on quantitative data, this study defines the S24 caller user profile in terms of type, geographical reference, reasons for calling and outcome. This analysis allows us to perform a preliminary evaluation of the S24 in terms of its contribution to efficiency, equity and empowerment. Then the S24 is compared to

Synthesis of biodiesel from wastes of food industry via direct transesterification with methanol/carbon dioxide mixtures

Dissertation presented at Faculdade de Ciências e Tecnologia from Universidade Nova de Lisboa to obtain the degree of Master in Chemical and Biochemical Engineering

Kinetic, Structural, and EPR Studies Reveal That Aldehyde Oxidoreductase from Desulfovibrio gigas Does Not Need a Sulfido Ligand for Catalysis and Give Evidence for a Direct Mo-C Interaction in a Biological System

J. Am. Chem. Soc., 2009, 131 (23), pp 7990–7998 DOI: 10.1021/ja809448r

Energy efficiency in energy policy: Empirical evidence of direct rebound effect in Portuguese households' demand for electricity

A Work Project, presented as part of the requirements for the Award of a Masters Degree in Economics from the NOVA – School of Business and Economics

Does direct cash flow presentation help in predicting future operating cash flow?

A Work Project, presented as part of the requirements for the Award of a Masters Degree in Finance from the NOVA – School of Business and Economics

Speed control of induction machine based on direct torque control method

Dissertação para obtenção do Grau de Mestre em Engenharia Electrotécnica e de Computadores

Atomic force microscopy assisted with electron and ion beam microscopy for the direct measurement of biostructures and DNA samples

Dissertation to obtain a Master degree in Biotechnology

Drivers of China's foreign direct investment into Africa

We assess the determinants of Chinese direct investment in Africa compared with those of global FDI. We find that economic size and macroeconomic stability are positively correlated with Chinese and global FDI in Africa. Institutional variables, such as accountability and rule of law, are not significant in either case and the same can be said about FDI-aid complementarities. The presence of oil is a determinant of Chinese FDI but not of global FDI into Africa. Conversely, the openness of the economy is a determinant for global FDI but not of Chinese FDI, which appears to favour closed economies possibly due to industrial organizational concerns. While these differences accord with intuition, we find no evidence for the claim that Chinese FDI in Africa is related to non-economic governance in a specific way that differs from global practice. More refined governance indicators should be used to verify whether Chinese and global FDI into Africa remain indistinguishable on this score: we plan to do this in future research.

Democracy and fertility

A Masters Thesis, presented as part of the requirements for the award of a Research Masters Degree in Economics from NOVA – School of Business and Economics

A Constructivist perspective on EU'S democracy promotion in Turkey

The European Union, as a regional actor and an example of stability and well-being, has embraced a set of principles it has stood for and which constitute its own identity. The diffusion of these values among third countries is one of the objectives of EU’s External Policy. Democracy can be found among the principles that are sought to be exported through comprehensive and complex strategies within different frameworks, such as neighbourhood relations, trade partnerships and the accession process. Focusing on the latter, candidates are object of an intensive process of Europeanisation that operates through different mechanisms like socialisation and conditionality. Turkey, on the other side, has decided to apply for full membership several decades ago and, ever since, it has been pressured to Europeanise, which includes improving its unstable democracy. This case, however, is different from all other previous enlargements; for its special socio-cultural and civilisational features, Turkey constitutes a more complex novelty for the European Union. Therefore, this thesis aims to study the influence of the European Union on the democratisation process of Turkey, focusing on the period ranging between 1999, the year the European Council recognised Turkey’s candidacy status, and 2009 that marks the 10-year period of that condition. It is the intention of this project to assess the impact of the European Union at that level through the study of the democratic evolution of the country and its co-relation with other variables related to the presence or pressure of the EU. As this is a challenging objective, it will require a deep reflection upon central concepts like democracy and democratic consolidation, and a diversified use of methodological techniques, such as statistical analysis and mathematical co-relations, historical analysis, literature review and in-depth interviews. This study will privilege a Constructivist approach, emphasising the social construction of reality and the role of the ideational aspects – identity, perceptions and the broader socio-cultural dimension – in Turkey-EU relations.

The determinants of Foreign Direct Investments attraction in Portugal and Spain: A comparative analysis

Double Degree. A Work Project presented as part of the requirements for the Award of a Master Degree in Management from the NOVA – School of Business and Economics and a Master Degree in Business Engineering from Louvain School of Management

Relationship between national culture, democracy and environmental performance: A panel data analysis

This paper demonstrates the significance of culture in examining the relationshipbetween democratic capital and environmental performance.The aim is to examine the relationship among scores on the Environmental Performance Index and the two dimensions of cross cultural variation suggested by Ronald Inglehart and Christian Welzel. Significantional interrelationships among democracy, cultural and environmental sustaintability measures could be found, following the regression results. Firstly, higher levels of democratic capital stock are associated with better environmental performance. Secondly importance to distinguish between cultural groups could be confirmed.