Controlo da tuberculose em Portugal : papel e qualidade da detecção de casos

RESUMO - A impressionante evolução da incidência notificada desde 1950 evidencia o quanto o sistema de informação é sensível ao esforço de notificação, reflectindo ainda o impacte das medidas de controlo que foram sendo introduzidas, bem como alguma melhoria nas condições sociais com efeito favorável sobre a doença (Briz, 2005). Sendo a tuberculose uma doença de notificação obrigatória, nos termos da Portaria n.º 766/86, de 26 de Dezembro, os casos deverão ser sempre comunicados à Autoridade de Saúde, em impresso aprovado. O facto de a tuberculose ter um sistema de informação próprio tem permitido um conhecimento relativamente completo da situação epidemiológica. (DGS, 1995) Pretende-se caracterizar o perfil de distribuição da incidência notificada da tuberculose pulmonar, em Portugal Continental, nomeadamente a nível distrital, no período compreendido entre 2000 e 2008, inclusive, partindo-se depois para um estudo mais pormenorizado, relacionado com a sensibilidade do sistema de notificação da tuberculose, no sentido de se quantificarem os problemas de subnotificação. Para validação da notificação, serão utilizados os dados de 2007 e 2008. Procurar-se-á depois obter o perfil da incidência ajustada para a detecção em cada um desses anos, avançando-se de seguida para a identificação e caracterização de parâmetros complementares e de acesso fácil que contribuam para interpretar a distribuição geográfica da incidência notificada, em função da sua provável validade. Perante o eventual confronto com o problema da subnotificação, a identificação das razões da menor adesão à notificação de casos de tuberculose pulmonar apresenta-se quase como inevitável, sendo feita através do recurso a entrevistas a informadores-chave. --------------------------------------ABSTRACT - The impressive development of the incidence reported since 1950 shows how the system is sensitive to the effort of notification, still reflects the impact of control measures have been introduced, and some improvement in social conditions with favorable effect on the disease ( Briz, 2005). As tuberculosis a notifiable disease, according to Ordinance No. 766/86, December 26, cases should be reported to the Health Authority, approved in print. The fact that tuberculosis have an information system itself has allowed a relatively complete knowledge of the epidemiological situation. (DGS, 1995) The aim is to characterize the distribution profile of the reported incidence of pulmonary tuberculosis, in Portugal, particularly at district level in the period between 2000 and 2008, starting from then to a more detailed study, related to the sensitivity of the system notification of tuberculosis, in order to quantify the problems of underreporting. For validation of the notification, we used the data from 2007 and 2008. Search will then obtain the profile of the adjusted incidence for detection in each of those years, advancing is then for the identification and characterization of additional parameters and easy access to contribute to interpret the geographical distribution of reported incidence in according to their likely validity. Given the eventual confrontation with the problem of underreporting, the identification of reasons for the lower adherence to reporting cases of pulmonary tuberculosis has become almost as inevitable, being made through the use of interviews with key informants.

O Mosteiro de Sta. Maria da Vitória e a vocação moralizante das gárgulas do panteão duartino

The Portuguese monument called Batalha’s monastery has occupied an important place in Art History especially the unfinished chapels destined to be the Pantheon of the King D. Duarte. There we observe some interesting gargoyles, moral representations as an approach to the late medieval imaginary in the national context, but also common with the thoughts of King D. Duarte. Gargoyles mirrored the daily life of medieval men and women and displayed the confrontation between the religious and the social spheres by criticizing the behaviour of the sinful body, taking on an important educational role amongst audiences. This article aims to understand the moral sense and sexual behaviour that can observe in these gargoyles and its relation with the book Leal Conselheiro, written by D. Duarte some decades before.

Res Publica: Citizenship and Political Representation in Portugal, 1820-1926

The term res publica (literally “thing of the people”) was coined by the Romans to translate the Greek word politeia, which, as we know, referred to a political community organised in accordance with certain principles, amongst which the notion of the “good life” (as against exclusively private interests) was paramount. This ideal also came to be known as political virtue. To achieve it, it was necessary to combine the best of each “constitutional” type and avoid their worst aspects (tyranny, oligarchy and ochlocracy). Hence, the term acquired from the Greeks a sense of being a “mixed” and “balanced” system. Anyone that was entitled to citizenship could participate in the governance of the “public thing”. This implied the institutionalization of open debate and confrontation between interested parties as a way of achieving the consensus necessary to ensure that man the political animal, who fought with words and reason, prevailed over his “natural” counterpart. These premises lie at the heart of the project which is now being presented under the title of Res Publica: Citizenship and Political Representation in Portugal, 1820-1926. The fact that it is integrated into the centenary commemorations of the establishment of the Republic in Portugal is significant, as it was the idea of revolution – with its promise of rupture and change – that inspired it. However, it has also sought to explore events that could be considered the precursor of democratization in the history of Portugal, namely the vintista, setembrista and patuleia revolutions. It is true that the republican regime was opposed to the monarchic. However, although the thesis that monarchy would inevitably lead to tyranny had held sway for centuries, it had also been long believed that the monarchic system could be as “politically virtuous” as a republic (in the strict sense of the word) provided that power was not concentrated in the hands of a single individual. Moreover, various historical experiments had shown that republics could also degenerate into Caesarism and different kinds of despotism. Thus, when absolutism began to be overturned in continental Europe in the name of the natural rights of man and the new social pact theories, initiating the difficult process of (written) constitutionalization, the monarchic principle began to be qualified as a “monarchy hedged by republican institutions”, a situation in which not even the king was exempt from isonomy. This context justifies the time frame chosen here, as it captures the various changes and continuities that run through it. Having rejected the imperative mandate and the reinstatement of the model of corporative representation (which did not mean that, in new contexts, this might not be revived, or that the second chamber established by the Constitutional Charter of 1826 might not be given another lease of life), a new power base was convened: national sovereignty, a precept that would be shared by the monarchic constitutions of 1822 and 1838, and by the republican one of 1911. This followed the French example (manifested in the monarchic constitution of 1791 and in the Spanish constitution of 1812), as not even republicans entertained a tradition of republicanism based upon popular sovereignty. This enables us to better understand the rejection of direct democracy and universal suffrage, and also the long incapacitation (concerning voting and standing for office) of the vast body of “passive” citizens, justified by “enlightened”, property- and gender-based criteria. Although the republicans had promised in the propaganda phase to alter this situation, they ultimately failed to do so. Indeed, throughout the whole period under analysis, the realisation of the potential of national sovereignty was mediated above all by the individual citizen through his choice of representatives. However, this representation was indirect and took place at national level, in the hope that action would be motivated not by particular local interests but by the common good, as dictated by reason. This was considered the only way for the law to be virtuous, a requirement that was also manifested in the separation and balance of powers. As sovereignty was postulated as single and indivisible, so would be the nation that gave it soul and the State that embodied it. Although these characteristics were common to foreign paradigms of reference, in Portugal, the constitutionalization process also sought to nationalise the idea of Empire. Indeed, this had been the overriding purpose of the 1822 Constitution, and it persisted, even after the loss of Brazil, until decolonization. Then, the dream of a single nation stretching from the Minho to Timor finally came to an end.

A segurança das infraestruturas críticas em Portugal

Portugal, having responsibilities at European level, needs to ensure compliance with European standards, particularly with regard to the European Security Plan for Critical Infrastructures. National critical infrastructures should be a focus of attention with regard to the management of public risks, since these represent "a set of services that are essential to the functioning of the country and the functioning of the forces that ensure national defense." (Soares, 2008) This contribution on national critical infrastructures (CI) has the essential objective of clarifying the development of the strategy adopted by Portugal in pursuit of the security of these fundamental infrastructures. The goal lies not only through producing a descriptive document, but also carry a brief confrontation between the legal framework related to these subjects and the reality in which the Critical Infrastructure Operators and the National Civil Protection Authority (ANPC) operate. It is intended, in this sense, to understand the development of the project for the national security program of critical infrastructures and what effects of its measures on operators. As for the methodology, we followed a methodological strategy, where we combine the literature with data obtained through semi-structured interviews. Portugal, being a geographically peripheral country and having no record of incidents capable of causing major contingencies in key services for the normal development of society, does not have a structured and regulator plan that substantiates the need for operators responsible for CI to invest in security. This same approach is expected at the State level, believing that even though this theme has be widely explored by international institutions, Portugal has not yet tried to give the attention it deserves. Without the existence of an institution and a regulatory system, CI operators can become less available to comply with the legal framework.

As Comissões Parlamentares de Inquérito no Portugal democrático, 1976-2015

As transformações operadas no mundo contemporâneo, em especial no que respeita às estruturas do poder, à sua maior autonomização e diferenciação, tiveram particulares reflexos ao nível dos Parlamentos e das funções que prosseguem. Desde a sua origem, no passado século XIII, à atualidade, grandes acontecimentos, clivagens e factos históricos estão presentes na sua linha evolutiva. A democratização do regime parlamentar e a legitimidade outorgada através de eleições democráticas e concorrenciais são um marco ímpar na sua história. A complexidade das sociedades hodiernas catapultou o Poder Executivo em detrimento do Parlamento, enquanto órgão legislativo por excelência. Tal circunstancialismo levou, não ao proclamado declínio dos Parlamentos, mas a reformas estruturantes. Outras e mais importantes funções seriam prosseguidas. Se as iniciativas legislativas e a definição das políticas públicas passaram a ser quase um exclusivo do Governo, havia que desenvolver e ampliar, por parte dos Parlamentos, os instrumentos de controlo, fiscalização e escrutínio da ação governativa. Entre os clássicos instrumentos de controlo avulta o Inquérito Parlamentar, materializado em Comissões Parlamentares de Inquérito, dotadas de poderes especiais para recolha de informação e para investigação. No seu percurso parlamentar, também as Comissões de Inquérito foram sendo alvo de constantes aperfeiçoamentos, de ordem constitucional, legal e regimental. A excessiva partidarização da atividade parlamentar de outrora e sobretudo a confusão entre o governo e o partido que o sustentava a nível parlamentar, o confronto desequilibrado de meios entre as maiorias e as minorias, levaram a um reposicionamento do inquérito parlamentar enquanto garante do direito das minorias. Não sendo expectável que as grandes iniciativas de controlo sejam tomadas pelo partido maioritário, cabe à oposição esse papel. Em Portugal, diminuta era a tradição do instituto do inquérito parlamentar, razão porque foi efémera e sem resultado a sua utilização no tempo da monarquia constitucional. O regime democrático, abraçado com o 25 de abril de 1974, relançou o órgão de soberania Parlamento e estabeleceu prioridades. Até ao amadurecimento da democracia viveram-se tempos mais conturbados mas de grande aprendizagem. O inquérito Parlamentar, a partir da revisão constitucional de 1982, passou conceptualmente a integrar um dos meios mais relevantes da fiscalização política. É, pois, o levantamento exaustivo e a análise das Comissões Parlamentares de Inquérito no Portugal democrático, período de 1976-2015, o objetivo a que nos propomos neste estudo.