A construção do estado liberal. Elite política e burocracia na "Regeneração" (1851-1890)

Quem governa ? Qual a configuração e dinâmica da burocracia ? Sinteticamente, estas duas questões enunciam os objectivos principais da presente investigação sobre o sistema politico administrativo no Portugal oitocentista. No essencial, o âmbito cronológico do nosso estudo coincide com os limites temporais da "Regeneração ", no sentido lato do termo, isto e, com o novo ciclo liberal que tem como acto fundador o pronunciamento militar üsaldanhista" de finais de Abril de 1851 e se prolonga até à crise de 1890. comummente identificada pela historiografia portuguesa como um momento crucial de viragem. Este período de cerca de quarenta anos singulariza- se pela combinação de três aspectos fundamentais. Por um lado, tratou-se de uma época de relativa acalmia politica e social - apenas seriamente ameaçada na conjuntura critica de 1868 a 1871 -, durante a qual as manifestações de conflito violento, que tinham marcado a fase inicial do liberalismo, cederam o lugar às formas de conflito regulado. Esta alteração do tipo dominante de conflito, associada à institucionalização dos mecanismos e processos do sistema de "governo representativo", resultou da afirmação de uma lógica de compromisso (a "politica dos acordos") entre as várias parcialidades ou coligações rivais da elite, que implicava a subordinação da luta politica às regras da competição pacifica e a garantia de expectativas credíveis de alternância no poder. Em larga medida, essa transformação não teria sido possível sem uma ampla renovação do pessoal politico dirigente. Por outro lado, correspondeu a uma etapa decisiva na consolidação do aparelho burocrático do Estado liberal, que se traduziu numa dinâmica de expansão e modernização das estruturas e meios de administração. Finalmente, foi um ciclo marcado por importantes "melhoramentos materiais· e um razoável crescimento económico. embora à custa de um elevado endividamento público. Ocupando as principais posições de comando na hierarquia formal de poder e. como tal, intervindo activamente na construção das instituições e regulam o curso da vida colectiva, na elaboração das normas que as elites politicas são um dos actores centrais em todos os processos de mudança social, independentemente da avaliação positiva ou negativa do seu protagonismo histórico . Por essa razão. o estudo da sua formação e composição ou da sua acção transformadora constituem importantes eixos temáticos da investigação em sociologia politica.

The Portuguese Administrative Elite, 1851-1910

The aim of this article is to examine the composition and patterns of recruitment of the ministries’directors-general, as well as to assess the interconnections between bureaucracy and politics, from the beginnings of Regeneração (1851) until the breakdown of Monarchy (1910). The post of director-general was considered one of “political trust”, that might be filled by individuals from outside the civil service, and the selection and de-selection of officeholders depended exclusively on the ministers’ will. Nonetheless, most directors-general were experienced bureaucrats, boasting a steady career as civil servants, and remained in office for long terms, regardless of ministerial discontinuities. In other words, High Administration became relatively immune to party-driven politics. Due to their professional background and lengthy tenure, directors-general were usually highly skilled specialists, combining technical expertise and practical knowledge of the wheels of state bureaucracy. Hence, they were often influential actors in policy-making, playing an active (and sometimes decisive) part behind the scenes, in both designing and implementing government policies. As regards their social profile, directors-general formed a cohesive and homogeneous elite group: being predominantly drawn from urban middle class milieus, highly educated, and appointed to office in their forties.

Portuguese Ministers, 1851-1999: Social Background and Paths to Power

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Humor and the framing of the public sphere and public opinion in Portugal (1797-1834)

In his Answer to the Question: What is Enlightenment (1784), Kant puts forward his belief that the vocation to think freely, which humankind is endowed with, is bound to make sure that “the public use of reason” will at last act “even on the fundamental principles of government and the state [will] find it agreeable to treat man – who is now more than a machine – in accord with his dignity”. The critical reference to La Mettrie (1747), by opposing the machine to human dignity, will echo, in the dawn of the 20th century, in Bergson’s attempt to explain humor. Besides being exclusive to humans, humor is also a social phenomenon. Freud (1905) assures that pleasure originated by humor is collective, it results from a “social process”: jokes need an audience, a “third party”, in order to work and have fun. Assuming humor as a social and cultural phenomenon, this paper intends to sustain that it played a role in the framing of the public sphere and of public opinion in Portugal during the transition from Absolute Monarchy to Liberalism. The search for the conditions which made possible the critical exercise of sociability is at the root of the creation of the public sphere in the sense developed by Habermas (1962), whose perspective, however, has been questioned by those who point 2 out the alleged idealism of the concept – as opposed, for example, to Bakhtin (1970), whose work stresses diversity and pluralism. This notwithstanding, the concept of public sphere is crucial to the building of public opinion, which is, in turn, indissoluble from the principle of publicity, as demonstrated by Bobbio (1985). This paper discusses the historical evolution of the concept of public opinion from Ancient Greece doxa, through Machiavelli’s “humors” (1532), the origin of the expression in Montaigne (1580) and the contributions of Hobbes (1651), Locke (1690), Swift (1729), Rousseau (1762) or Hume (1777), up to the reflection of Lippman (1922) and Bourdieu’s critique (1984). It maintains that humor, as it appears in Portuguese printed periodicals from 1797 (when Almocreve de Petas was published for the first time) to the end of the civil war (1834) – especially in those edited by José Daniel Rodrigues da Costa but also in O Piolho Viajante, by António Manuel Policarpo da Silva, or in the ones written by José Agostinho de Macedo, as well as in a political “elite minded” periodical such as Correio Braziliense –, contributed to the framing of the public sphere and of public opinion in Portugal.