Economias de escala em centros hospitalares

RESUMO - Perante o actual contexto de contenção de gastos no sector da saúde e consequente preocupação com a eficiência do sistema, tem‐se assistido a mudanças várias no modelo de gestão e organizacional do sistema de saúde. Destaca‐se a alteração da estrutura hospitalar, com vista à racionalização dos seus recursos internos, onde as fusões hospitalares têm assumido um papel determinante. Em Portugal, nos últimos 10 anos, assistiu‐se a uma significativa redução do número de hospitais (de sensivelmente 90 para 50 unidades), exclusivamente através das fusões e sem quaisquer alterações no número de estruturas físicas existentes. Não obstante os argumentos justificativos desta reforma, a avaliação dos objectivos implícitos é insuficiente. Neste âmbito, pretendeu‐se com este estudo contribuir para a análise do impacte da criação de centros hospitalares na redução de gastos, isto é, verificar se a consolidação e consequente reengenharia dos processos produtivos teve consequencias ao nível da obtenção de economias de escala. Para esta análise usou‐se uma base de dados em painel, onde se consideraram 75 hospitais durante 7 anos (2003‐2009), número que foi reduzindo ao longo do período em análise devido às inúmeras fusões já referidas. Para avaliar os ganhos relativos às fusões hospitalares, ao nível da eficiência técnica e das economias de escala, recorreu‐se à fronteira estocástica especificada função custo translog. Estimada a fronteira, foi possível analisar três centros hospitalares específicos, onde se comparou o período pré‐fusão (2005‐2006) com o período após a fusão (2008‐2009). Como variáveis explicativas, relativas à produção hospitalar, considerou‐se o número de casos tratados e os dias de internamento (Vita, 1990; Schuffham et al., 1996), o número de consultas e o número de urgências, sendo estas variáveis as mais comuns na literatura (Vita, 1990; Fournier e Mitchell, 1992; Carreira, 1999). Quanto à variável dependente usou‐se o custo variável total, que compreende o total de custos anuais dos hospitais excepto de imobilizado. Como principais conclusões da investigação, em consequência da criação dos centros hospitalares, são de referir os ganhos de escala na fusão de hospitais de reduzida dimensão e com mais serviços complementares. --------ABSTRACT - Driven by the current pressure on resources induced by budgetary cuts, the Portuguese Ministry of Health is imposing changes in the management model and organization of NHS hospitals. The most recent change is based on the creation of Hospital Centres that are a result of administrative mergers of existing hospitals. In less than 10 years the number of hospitals passed from around 90 to around 50, only due to the mergers and without any change in the existing number of physical institutions. According to the political discourse, one of the main goals expected from this measure is the creation of synergies and more efficiency in the use of available resources. However, the merger of the hospitals has been a political decision without support or evaluation of the first experiments. The aim of this study is to measure the results of this policy by looking at economies of scale namely through reductions in the expenditures, as expected and sought by the MoH. Data used covers 7 years (2003‐2009) and 75 hospitals, number that has been reduced my the enoumerous mergers during the last decade. This work uses a stochastic frontier analysis through the translog cost function to examine the gains from mergers, which were decomposed into technical efficiency and economies of scale. It was analised these effects by the creation of three specific hospital centers, using a longitudinal approach to compare the period pre‐merger (2003‐2006) with the post‐merger period (2007‐09). To measure changes in inpatient hospital production volume and length of stay are going to be considered as done by Vita (1990) and Schuffham et al. (1996). For outpatient services the number of consultations and emergencies are going to be considered (Vita, 1990; Fournier e Mitchell, 1992; Carreira, 1999). Total variable cost is considered as the dependent variable explained the aforementioned ones. After a review of the literature results expected point to benefits from the mergers, namely a reduction in total expenditures and in the number of duplicated services. Results extracted from our data point in the same direction, and thus for the existence of some economies of scale only for small hospitals.

Vir sapiens dominabitur astris: astrological knowledge and practices in the Portuguese medieval court (king João I to king Afonso V)

Dissertação apresentada para cumprimento dos requisitos necessários à obtenção do grau de Mestre em História Medieval

Campanha negativa nas eleições legislativas de 2011: uma análise do discurso político

Esta dissertação pretende observar o fenómeno das campanhas negativas nas eleições portuguesas, usando como caso de estudo a campanha eleitoral das eleições legislativas de 2011. Procurou-se analisar o discurso político dos partidos nesta campanha eleitoral, recorrendo à análise de conteúdo. Para apoiar a interpretação dos resultados foram realizadas entrevistas aos directores de campanha ou outros actores políticos com um papel relevante na definição e implementação da estratégia eleitoral do BE, CDU, CDS, PS e PSD. Os resultados indicam que a campanha eleitoral de 2011 foi essencialmente positiva: a maior parte do discurso dos partidos focou-se na apresentação e defesa das suas ideias, programas e qualidades e não na crítica aos adversários. As campanhas negativas incidiram sobretudo sobre conteúdos políticos e os ataques não foram personalizados. Os resultados indicam ainda que as teorias que explicam a utilização de campanhas negativas noutros países não se aplicam em Portugal. Segundo os entrevistados, apesar do confronto de ideias ser essencial, as campanhas negativas não resultam em Portugal, ao contrário do que acontece noutros países.

The sociological perspective on the knowledge-based society: assumptions, facts and visions

The paper will present the central discourse of the knowledge-based society. Already in the 1960s the debate of the industrial society already raised the question whether there can be considered a paradigm shift towards a knowledge-based society. Some prominent authors already foreseen ‘knowledge’ as the main indicator in order to displace ‘labour’ and ‘capital’ as the main driving forces of the capitalistic development. Today on the political level and also in many scientific disciplines the assumption that we are already living in a knowledge-based society seems obvious. Although we still do not have a theory of the knowledge-based society and there still exist a methodological gap about the empirical indicators, the vision of a knowledge-based society determines at least the perception of the Western societies. In a first step the author will pinpoint the assumptions about the knowledge-based society on three levels: on the societal, on the organisational and on the individual level. These assumptions are relied on the following topics: a) The role of the information and communication technologies; b) The dynamic development of globalisation as an ‘evolutionary’ process; c) The increasing importance of knowledge management within organisations; d) The changing role of the state within the economic processes. Not only the differentiation between the levels but also the revision of the assumptions of a knowledge-based society will show that the ‘topics raised in the debates’ cannot be considered as the results of a profound societal paradigm shift. However what seems very impressive is the normative and virtual shift towards a concept of modernity, which strongly focuses on the role of technology as a driving force as well as on the global economic markets, which has to be accepted. Therefore – according to the official debate - the successful adaptation of these processes seems the only way to meet the knowledge-based society. Analysing the societal changes on the three levels, the label ‘knowledge-based society’ can be seen critically. Therefore the main question of Theodor W. Adorno during the 16th Congress of Sociology in 1968 did not loose its actuality. Facing the societal changes he asked whether we are still living in the industrial society or already in a post-industrial state. Thinking about the knowledge-based society according to these two options, this exercise would enrich the whole debate in terms of social inequality, political, economic exclusion processes and at least the power relationship between social groups.

Local political elites and the Revolution: Portalegre 1941-1997

Who directs local politics? Which social and professional groups directed city and village councils in Portugal? What was their evolution and behaviour for the second half of the twentieth century, during the final years of the Estado Novo and the political transition provided by the Revolution of April 25th, 1974?

“Culture Stops Development!”: Bijagó Youth and the Appropriation of Developmentalist Discourse in Guinea-B

African Studies Review, Volume 52, Number 2, pp. 69–

Treasury bond returns and U.S. political cycles

A Work Project, presented as part of the requirements for the Award of a Masters Degree in Finance from the NOVA – School of Business and Economics

Migrant networks and political participation in Mozambique

A Work Project, presented as part of the requirements for the Award of a Masters Degree in Economics from the NOVA – School of Business and Economics

Health expenditures in the OECD: A political economy analysis using structural breaks

A Masters Thesis, presented as part of the requirements for the award of a Research Masters Degree in Economics from NOVA – School of Business and Economics

Res Publica: Citizenship and Political Representation in Portugal, 1820-1926

The term res publica (literally “thing of the people”) was coined by the Romans to translate the Greek word politeia, which, as we know, referred to a political community organised in accordance with certain principles, amongst which the notion of the “good life” (as against exclusively private interests) was paramount. This ideal also came to be known as political virtue. To achieve it, it was necessary to combine the best of each “constitutional” type and avoid their worst aspects (tyranny, oligarchy and ochlocracy). Hence, the term acquired from the Greeks a sense of being a “mixed” and “balanced” system. Anyone that was entitled to citizenship could participate in the governance of the “public thing”. This implied the institutionalization of open debate and confrontation between interested parties as a way of achieving the consensus necessary to ensure that man the political animal, who fought with words and reason, prevailed over his “natural” counterpart. These premises lie at the heart of the project which is now being presented under the title of Res Publica: Citizenship and Political Representation in Portugal, 1820-1926. The fact that it is integrated into the centenary commemorations of the establishment of the Republic in Portugal is significant, as it was the idea of revolution – with its promise of rupture and change – that inspired it. However, it has also sought to explore events that could be considered the precursor of democratization in the history of Portugal, namely the vintista, setembrista and patuleia revolutions. It is true that the republican regime was opposed to the monarchic. However, although the thesis that monarchy would inevitably lead to tyranny had held sway for centuries, it had also been long believed that the monarchic system could be as “politically virtuous” as a republic (in the strict sense of the word) provided that power was not concentrated in the hands of a single individual. Moreover, various historical experiments had shown that republics could also degenerate into Caesarism and different kinds of despotism. Thus, when absolutism began to be overturned in continental Europe in the name of the natural rights of man and the new social pact theories, initiating the difficult process of (written) constitutionalization, the monarchic principle began to be qualified as a “monarchy hedged by republican institutions”, a situation in which not even the king was exempt from isonomy. This context justifies the time frame chosen here, as it captures the various changes and continuities that run through it. Having rejected the imperative mandate and the reinstatement of the model of corporative representation (which did not mean that, in new contexts, this might not be revived, or that the second chamber established by the Constitutional Charter of 1826 might not be given another lease of life), a new power base was convened: national sovereignty, a precept that would be shared by the monarchic constitutions of 1822 and 1838, and by the republican one of 1911. This followed the French example (manifested in the monarchic constitution of 1791 and in the Spanish constitution of 1812), as not even republicans entertained a tradition of republicanism based upon popular sovereignty. This enables us to better understand the rejection of direct democracy and universal suffrage, and also the long incapacitation (concerning voting and standing for office) of the vast body of “passive” citizens, justified by “enlightened”, property- and gender-based criteria. Although the republicans had promised in the propaganda phase to alter this situation, they ultimately failed to do so. Indeed, throughout the whole period under analysis, the realisation of the potential of national sovereignty was mediated above all by the individual citizen through his choice of representatives. However, this representation was indirect and took place at national level, in the hope that action would be motivated not by particular local interests but by the common good, as dictated by reason. This was considered the only way for the law to be virtuous, a requirement that was also manifested in the separation and balance of powers. As sovereignty was postulated as single and indivisible, so would be the nation that gave it soul and the State that embodied it. Although these characteristics were common to foreign paradigms of reference, in Portugal, the constitutionalization process also sought to nationalise the idea of Empire. Indeed, this had been the overriding purpose of the 1822 Constitution, and it persisted, even after the loss of Brazil, until decolonization. Then, the dream of a single nation stretching from the Minho to Timor finally came to an end.

Politicization of non-political events

Spatial analysis and social network analysis typically take into consideration social processes in specific contexts of geographical or network space. The research in political science increasingly strives to model heterogeneity and spatial dependence. To better understand and geographically model the relationship between “non-political” events, streaming data from social networks, and political climate was the primary objective of the current study. Geographic information systems (GIS) are useful tools in the organization and analysis of streaming data from social networks. In this study, geographical and statistical analysis were combined in order to define the temporal and spatial nature of the data eminating from the popular social network Twitter during the 2014 FIFA World Cup. The study spans the entire globe because Twitter’s geotagging function, the fundamental data that makes this study possible, is not limited to a geographic area. By examining the public reactions to an inherenlty non-political event, this study serves to illuminate broader questions about social behavior and spatial dependence. From a practical perspective, the analyses demonstrate how the discussion of political topics fluсtuate according to football matches. Tableau and Rapidminer, in addition to a set basic statistical methods, were applied to find patterns in the social behavior in space and time in different geographic regions. It was found some insight into the relationship between an ostensibly non-political event – the World Cup - and public opinion transmitted by social media. The methodology could serve as a prototype for future studies and guide policy makers in governmental and non-governmental organizations in gauging the public opinion in certain geographic locations.

Correlates of intergenerational mobility and political violence

This work project aims at exploring the role of intergenerational immobility in political violence. A cross-country macro-level analysis is done where no significant results are found. Additionally, an individual micro-level analysis is done where intergenerational mobility (measured through a proxy variable) has a negative significant effect in political violence

US fiscal dynamics in political perspective

Given the importance of fiscal balance for ensuring a sustainable fiscal policy, we conduct an empirical examination of fiscal dynamics in the United States in response to unsustainable budget deviations. We concentrate on the role of political factors, namely the Republican - Democrat presidential divide, in determining the fiscal response to budget disequilibria. Making use of an asymmetric cointegration framework, we explore politically motivated fiscal asymmetries in the US, from Eisenhower to Obama. We conclude that political factors such as the government’s political quadrant and the timing of elections are important determinants of the fiscal response to unsustainable budget deviations.

Work ethic and the legacies of political regimes

This article studies the cross-country differences in work ethic and claims that different political regimes transmitted different work ethics that still persist today. Using the World Values Survey and starting our political regime analysis in 1900, we find that Democratic regimes promote more effectively work relevance and competitiveness than Autocratic and Anocratic regimes, and that the political regime history of the country is more important than the present level of democracy. Moreover, we prove that this differences were transmitted through generations by parents, who optimally choose what work ethic to transmit taking into account their own values.