Health expenditures in the OECD: A political economy analysis using structural breaks

A Masters Thesis, presented as part of the requirements for the award of a Research Masters Degree in Economics from NOVA – School of Business and Economics

Res Publica: Citizenship and Political Representation in Portugal, 1820-1926

The term res publica (literally “thing of the people”) was coined by the Romans to translate the Greek word politeia, which, as we know, referred to a political community organised in accordance with certain principles, amongst which the notion of the “good life” (as against exclusively private interests) was paramount. This ideal also came to be known as political virtue. To achieve it, it was necessary to combine the best of each “constitutional” type and avoid their worst aspects (tyranny, oligarchy and ochlocracy). Hence, the term acquired from the Greeks a sense of being a “mixed” and “balanced” system. Anyone that was entitled to citizenship could participate in the governance of the “public thing”. This implied the institutionalization of open debate and confrontation between interested parties as a way of achieving the consensus necessary to ensure that man the political animal, who fought with words and reason, prevailed over his “natural” counterpart. These premises lie at the heart of the project which is now being presented under the title of Res Publica: Citizenship and Political Representation in Portugal, 1820-1926. The fact that it is integrated into the centenary commemorations of the establishment of the Republic in Portugal is significant, as it was the idea of revolution – with its promise of rupture and change – that inspired it. However, it has also sought to explore events that could be considered the precursor of democratization in the history of Portugal, namely the vintista, setembrista and patuleia revolutions. It is true that the republican regime was opposed to the monarchic. However, although the thesis that monarchy would inevitably lead to tyranny had held sway for centuries, it had also been long believed that the monarchic system could be as “politically virtuous” as a republic (in the strict sense of the word) provided that power was not concentrated in the hands of a single individual. Moreover, various historical experiments had shown that republics could also degenerate into Caesarism and different kinds of despotism. Thus, when absolutism began to be overturned in continental Europe in the name of the natural rights of man and the new social pact theories, initiating the difficult process of (written) constitutionalization, the monarchic principle began to be qualified as a “monarchy hedged by republican institutions”, a situation in which not even the king was exempt from isonomy. This context justifies the time frame chosen here, as it captures the various changes and continuities that run through it. Having rejected the imperative mandate and the reinstatement of the model of corporative representation (which did not mean that, in new contexts, this might not be revived, or that the second chamber established by the Constitutional Charter of 1826 might not be given another lease of life), a new power base was convened: national sovereignty, a precept that would be shared by the monarchic constitutions of 1822 and 1838, and by the republican one of 1911. This followed the French example (manifested in the monarchic constitution of 1791 and in the Spanish constitution of 1812), as not even republicans entertained a tradition of republicanism based upon popular sovereignty. This enables us to better understand the rejection of direct democracy and universal suffrage, and also the long incapacitation (concerning voting and standing for office) of the vast body of “passive” citizens, justified by “enlightened”, property- and gender-based criteria. Although the republicans had promised in the propaganda phase to alter this situation, they ultimately failed to do so. Indeed, throughout the whole period under analysis, the realisation of the potential of national sovereignty was mediated above all by the individual citizen through his choice of representatives. However, this representation was indirect and took place at national level, in the hope that action would be motivated not by particular local interests but by the common good, as dictated by reason. This was considered the only way for the law to be virtuous, a requirement that was also manifested in the separation and balance of powers. As sovereignty was postulated as single and indivisible, so would be the nation that gave it soul and the State that embodied it. Although these characteristics were common to foreign paradigms of reference, in Portugal, the constitutionalization process also sought to nationalise the idea of Empire. Indeed, this had been the overriding purpose of the 1822 Constitution, and it persisted, even after the loss of Brazil, until decolonization. Then, the dream of a single nation stretching from the Minho to Timor finally came to an end.

O Impacto dos Social Media no Comportamento dos Consumidores de Health Clubs em Portugal

Este estudo enquadra-se num contexto do Marketing Digital e do Comportamento do Consumidor, tendo como tema o impacto dos social media no comportamento dos consumidores de health clubs no mercado português. O principal objectivo deste trabalho está em perceber até que ponto são os consumidores influenciados por aquilo que é publicado nos social media, no momento de aderir a um health club. O desenvolvimento da Web 2.0 proporcionou o aparecimento de uma nova forma de comunicação através dos social media. Inicialmente apareceram como meio de comunicar entre familiares e amigos, só há pouco tempo os social media começaram a ser vistos pelas empresas como uma ferramenta de comunicação. A partir de então a forma de comunicar das empresas sofreu significativas alterações. Como consequência desta nova forma de comunicação, deparamo-nos com uns consumidores mais informados, activos e exigentes que exercem um maior controlo sobre consumo que fazem dos media. De acordo com um estudo da Marktest de 2013, é o Facebook que lidera as preferências dos utilizadores das redes sociais. Numa sociedade de consumo onde reina o culto ao corpo, o desporto assume actualmente um papel fulcral no bem-estar dos indivíduos pois não só é visto como meio para se melhorar as condições físicas e de saúde mas também como meio de relaxamento e anti-stress. Desde os anos 80 que se tem vindo a multiplicar os health clubs pelos centros urbanos, altura em que a prática de exercício físico começou a assumir uma maior regularidade na vida dos portugueses. No entanto, constatamos nos dias de hoje que existe uma grande preocupação em corresponderem às necessidades da sociedade relativamente à prática de actividade física. De modo a perceber-se melhor esta problemática foi desenvolvida uma investigação focada nas páginas na rede social Facebook de health clubs do mercado português. Neste estudo foram utilizados estudos do tipo qualitativo e quantitativo. No que respeita ao método qualitativo recorremos a duas entrevistas exploratórias estruturadas a responsáveis pela concepção e implementação das estratégias de Marketing Digital nos departamentos de Comunicação e Marketing de dois diferentes health clubs. Por outro lado, utilizamos o inquérito por questionário, onde foram recolhidas cem respostas, e a observação directa às páginas do Facebook do Fitness Hut Arco do Cego, Solinca, Holmes Place Alvalade e Virgin Active Portugal em dois diferentes dias. Apesar de se concluir que a maioria dos inquiridos não só tem conhecimento que o health club que frequenta tem página numa rede social como também é seguidor/amigo/colocou um like na mesma, a percentagem de inquiridos que afirma que a sua decisão no momento de escolha em aderir a um health club foi condicionada por um comentário que publicado numa rede social é bastante reduzida. Porém, a mesma situação aplicada a comentários/ posts num blogue ainda é mais insignificante. Outra conclusão a que chegámos prende-se com o facto das páginas de Facebook dos health clubs estarem, pelo conteúdo publicado, mais direccionadas para satisfazer as necessidades dos consumidores que já são clientes do que para conquistar novos.

Politicization of non-political events

Spatial analysis and social network analysis typically take into consideration social processes in specific contexts of geographical or network space. The research in political science increasingly strives to model heterogeneity and spatial dependence. To better understand and geographically model the relationship between “non-political” events, streaming data from social networks, and political climate was the primary objective of the current study. Geographic information systems (GIS) are useful tools in the organization and analysis of streaming data from social networks. In this study, geographical and statistical analysis were combined in order to define the temporal and spatial nature of the data eminating from the popular social network Twitter during the 2014 FIFA World Cup. The study spans the entire globe because Twitter’s geotagging function, the fundamental data that makes this study possible, is not limited to a geographic area. By examining the public reactions to an inherenlty non-political event, this study serves to illuminate broader questions about social behavior and spatial dependence. From a practical perspective, the analyses demonstrate how the discussion of political topics fluсtuate according to football matches. Tableau and Rapidminer, in addition to a set basic statistical methods, were applied to find patterns in the social behavior in space and time in different geographic regions. It was found some insight into the relationship between an ostensibly non-political event – the World Cup - and public opinion transmitted by social media. The methodology could serve as a prototype for future studies and guide policy makers in governmental and non-governmental organizations in gauging the public opinion in certain geographic locations.

Correlates of intergenerational mobility and political violence

This work project aims at exploring the role of intergenerational immobility in political violence. A cross-country macro-level analysis is done where no significant results are found. Additionally, an individual micro-level analysis is done where intergenerational mobility (measured through a proxy variable) has a negative significant effect in political violence

US fiscal dynamics in political perspective

Given the importance of fiscal balance for ensuring a sustainable fiscal policy, we conduct an empirical examination of fiscal dynamics in the United States in response to unsustainable budget deviations. We concentrate on the role of political factors, namely the Republican - Democrat presidential divide, in determining the fiscal response to budget disequilibria. Making use of an asymmetric cointegration framework, we explore politically motivated fiscal asymmetries in the US, from Eisenhower to Obama. We conclude that political factors such as the government’s political quadrant and the timing of elections are important determinants of the fiscal response to unsustainable budget deviations.

Work ethic and the legacies of political regimes

This article studies the cross-country differences in work ethic and claims that different political regimes transmitted different work ethics that still persist today. Using the World Values Survey and starting our political regime analysis in 1900, we find that Democratic regimes promote more effectively work relevance and competitiveness than Autocratic and Anocratic regimes, and that the political regime history of the country is more important than the present level of democracy. Moreover, we prove that this differences were transmitted through generations by parents, who optimally choose what work ethic to transmit taking into account their own values.