8 resultados para Nationalist Paradiplomacy


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Thesis submitted for assessment with a view to obtaining the degree of Doctor of Political and Social Science of the European University Institute

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Sandpit exploitation near Lisbon allowed collecting of many Miocene, non marine fossils. These sands are part of the mostly marine Miocene series in the Lower Tagus basin. The particularly favourable situation led several researchers to deal with marine-continental correlations. Difficulties often concern methodologic aspects. Some poorly based interpretations exerced a lasting influence. A critical approach is presented. Analysis requires data. Methods based upon models often lead to the temptation of fitting data in order to confirm a priori conclusions, or of mixing up data as if of equal statistic value while they have not at all the same weight. Erroneous interpretations' uncritical repetition for many years "upgraded" them into absolute truth. Another point is endemism vs. europeism. Miocene mammals from Lisbon compared well with corresponding French, contemporaneous taxa, while this was apparently not true for Spanish ones. Too much accent had been put on the endemic character of Spanish, or even regional, mammalian faunas. Nationalist bias and sensationalism also weigh, albeit negatively. Meanwhile nearly all the more evident examples as the rhinoceros Hispanotherium are discredited as Iberian endemisms. Taxa may appear as endemic just because they have not yet been found elsewhere. At least for the medium to large-sized mammals, with their huge geographic distribution, faunal differences depend much more on ecology, climate and environmental conditions. Emphasis on differences may also result from researchers that are often in a precarious situation and need very much to achieve short-term, preferably sensational results. Overvalued differences may mask real similarities. Unethic and not scientific behaviour are further enhanced by "nomina nuda" tricks that may simply be a way to circunvent or cheat the Priority Rule. On the other hand, access to communication networks may present as sensational novelties items that are not new at all, misleading the audience. A new class of "science people" arose, created by the media and not by the value of their real achievements. Discussion is presented on sedimentation processes and discontinuities that are often regarded as absolute precision dating tools, as well as on some geochemical and paleomagnetic interpretations. A very good chronologie frame has been obtained for the basin under study on the basis of an impressive set of data, providing a rather detailed and accurate frame for Miocene marine-continental correlations.

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Complutum, V. 12, pp. 297-309.

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Virginia Woolf and Clarice Lispector belong to quite different historical, political and cultural contexts. Beyond its antecedents and roots in European modernism, Brazilian modernism developed according to peculiar patterns and lines, cultivating, for example, more clearly political, nationalist and regionalist tendencies than happened in the British area. Molly Hite’s essay “Virginia Woolf’s Two Bodies” suggests the existence of two kinds of body represented and perhaps experienced by Virginia Woolf: “one kind was the body for others, the body cast in social roles”, the other, the “visionary body”, a second physical presence, which brings into play new perspectives on the female modernist body and new strategies of political and aesthetic representation. It is this “visionary body”, that, in many moments, intersects with transcendence. These two kinds of body are also present in Clarice Lispector’s work, structured, of course, around other complexities and gradations, explained by a different temporal context, but still touching common seminal questions. In Lispector, it is through the body cast in social roles that you reach the “visionary body” and transcendence. The movement is not a flight, as in Woolf, on the contrary it is a necessity, a condition to get to the essence.

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Este artigo examina a forma como as políticas colónias portuguesas de enquadramento do Islão na Guiné e em Moçambique evoluíram de uma representação do muçulmano como ameaça para uma imagem mais conciliadora, pela qual os muçulmanos poderiam ser potenciais aliados do poder português na guerra contra os movimentos nacionalistas. Sendo ambas as representações marcadas pela ambivalência, a primeira predominou até ao final da década de 50 e a segunda desenhou-se em meados dos anos 60, acompanhando o restante trajecto das guerras coloniais. As duas imagens corresponderam a diferentes formas de lidar com a dimensão transnacional do Islão e com o seu alegado impacto sobre o colonialismo português em África. O artigo analisa essas estratégias, abordando a participação que nelas teve a Igreja Católica, o aparelho central de poder e as suas ramificações locais nas colónias.

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Nas três últimas décadas do colonialismo português, as políticas destinadas às populações muçulmanas da Guiné e de Moçambique passaram da hostilidade mais ou menos aberta para uma estratégia de sedução, com vista a promover um “Islão português” e a usar certos sectores muçulmanos no combate aos movimentos nacionalistas. Esta transição teve também uma componente transnacional, na medida em que se quis alargar a intervenção portuguesa a um espaço estratégico designado como “mundo islâmico”. O presente artigo procura analisar essa intervenção, debruçando-se sobre o pensamento geopolítico que a informou e as suas aplicações diplomáticas, em particular no relacionamento com os países árabes.

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Portugal was one of the first and most enduring European colonial powers of modern times: 1415 and 1975 mark the beginning and the end of a long empire cycle that left impressive imprints in many places. Since it started, the overseas expansion and the exploration of the colonial resources were closely articulated with state-building and the preservation of national independence. A forerunner at the Great Age of Discoveries, but a latecomer in the era of industrialization, in the 19th and early-20th centuries Portugal was a peripheral country, and the economic gap with the rich and industrialized core of Europe was wide. During this period, however, the country faced the critical challenge of ruling vast and geographically scattered overseas territories, and of preserving them from the greed of strong imperialist powers. This article starts by outlining the major developments in the Portuguese colonial policy over a century, since the 1820s until 1926. The independence of Brazil (1822) was a crucial turning point, which brought about a shift towards Africa. The First Republic (1910-1926), pervaded by a nationalist ideology, gave a new impetus to the efforts towards a more effective colonisation. Symptomatically, a Ministry of Colonies was then established for the first time. Second, it describes and analyses the transformation of the central office for colonial affairs – from a small ministerial department to an autonomous ministry -, stressing the increasing bureaucratic specialisation, the growth of the apparatus and its staff, and the introduction of new criteria for the selection and promotion of permanent officials (namely a higher profile given to careers in local colonial administration). Finally, it presents a collective biography of both the politicians (Cabinet ministers) and the administrators (directors-general) who ran the Colonial Office for a large period of the Constitutional Monarchy (from 1851 to 1910) and during the First Republic, thus enabling to assess the impact of regime change on elite circulation and career patterns.

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In the midst of changes of the world political order fostered mainly by the very debated phenomenon of globalization, the nation-state is confronted with new paradigms regarding their identification with society. Citizenship, as was defined up to the latter decades of the last century, rooted in nationalist ideals that tend to condition it full exercise on exclusionary policies oriented criteria, is not consistent with the human needs of present days. One can observe, mainly in Europe with the establishment of European citizenship, certain propensity towards a relative detachment between nationality and citizenship. It is expected with the present research to expose some of the arguments invoked by those who defend the possibility of a post-national conception of citizenship, i.e., decoupled from the concept of nationality and national boundaries, in order to develop a grounding for a necessary re-articulation of this institute. This assumption is based mainly on the movement of universal human rights and the revaluation of human dignity, especially through participatory policies on citizenship and respect for ethnic and cultural diversity.