31 resultados para Forró party
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Since 1989, five parliamentary elections have been the stage for the foundation and demise of political parties aspiring to govern the new democratic Polish state. The demise of the AWS before the 2001 elections after ten years of attempts to create a centre-right core party resulted in a new splintering of the right-wing, and the centre-right became again devoid of a pivotal formation. While Eurosceptic parties in average gain 8 percent of the vote, in the 2001 Polish parliamentary elections Eurosceptic parties gained around 20 percent of the vote. In Poland right-wing parties show an unusual propensity for Euroscepticism. The persistence and increased importance of nationalism in Poland, which has prevented the development of a strong Christian democratic party, effectively explains the levels of Euroscepticism on the right. After the autumn 2005 parliamentary elections the national conservative party, Law and Justice, formed a governing coalition with the national Catholic League of Polish Families, creating one of the first Eurosceptic governments. Although this work does not intend to provide a theorisation of party systems development, it shows that the context of European integration fostered nationalists’ divisiveness of, and provoked the splitting of the right the unusual propensity of parties for Euroscepticism makes Poland a paradigmatic case of the kind of conflicts over European integration emerging in Central and Eastern European party systems.
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O conto “The Garden Party” foi escrito em Outubro de 1922. Depois de terminar o famoso “At the Bay” e pôr de parte “Married Man”, que nunca chegou a concluir, Katherine Mansfield inicia uma história sobre a família Sheridan, baseada em acontecimentos reais, ocorridos quando em 1907 Mrs. Beauchamp dera uma festa no jardim, em Wellington. O seu objectivo é, como dirá mais tarde no diário, transmitir a diversidade da vida, o que inclui a morte. “Feliz Aniversário” (1960), tal como “The Garden-Party”, estrutura-se a partir de uma dualidade de significados: a conformidade em relação às convenções sociais, que liga cada ser humano ao seu semelhante e o obriga a um determinado comportamento, representado na festa, e as pequenas hipocrisias e verdades, a solidão e a indiferença escondidas por detrás das máscaras usadas nessa situação.
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We show that the prediction of strategic connectivity breakdowns under a receiving-party-pays system and discrimination between on and off-net prices does not hold up once more than two mobile networks are considered. Indeed, if there are at least three competing networks and enough utility is obtained from receiving calls, only equilibria with finite call prices and receiving prices exist. Private negotiations over access charges then achieve the efficient outcome. Bill & keep (zero access charges) and free outgoing and incoming calls are efficient if and only marginal costs of calls are zero.
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A synthetic essay about portuguese Late Cretaceous (Upper Campanian-Maastrichtian) and Paleogene is presented. This does include most of the so far known data, a critical approach to the problems of such formations, and to previous works on them. Our viewpoints (party original) are exposed in a shorter text in French where most of the discussion was suppressed (see reference in Resumo).
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The Janssen-Cilag proposal for a risk-sharing agreement regarding bortezomib received a welcome signal from NICE. The Office of Fair Trading report included risk-sharing agreements as an available tool for the National Health Service. Nonetheless, recent discussions have somewhat neglected the economic fundamentals underlying risk-sharing agreements. We argue here that risk-sharing agreements, although attractive due to the principle of paying by results, also entail risks. Too many patients may be put under treatment even with a low success probability. Prices are likely to be adjusted upward, in anticipation of future risk-sharing agreements between the pharmaceutical company and the third-party payer. An available instrument is a verification cost per patient treated, which allows obtaining the first-best allocation of patients to the new treatment, under the risk sharing agreement. Overall, the welfare effects of risk-sharing agreements are ambiguous, and care must be taken with their use.
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Paper developed for the unit “Innovation Economics and Management” of the PhD programme in Technology Assessment at the Universidade Nova de Lisboa in 2009-10 under the supervision of Prof. Maria Luísa Ferreira
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Thesis submitted in Trinity Term 2001 for the degree of Master of Philosophy, Worcester College, Oxford
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Dissertação para obtenção do Grau de Mestre em Engenharia Informática
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Dissertação para obtenção do Grau de Mestre em Engenharia Informática
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Concurrent programming is a difficult and error-prone task because the programmer must reason about multiple threads of execution and their possible interleavings. A concurrent program must synchronize the concurrent accesses to shared memory regions, but this is not enough to prevent all anomalies that can arise in a concurrent setting. The programmer can misidentify the scope of the regions of code that need to be atomic, resulting in atomicity violations and failing to ensure the correct behavior of the program. Executing a sequence of atomic operations may lead to incorrect results when these operations are co-related. In this case, the programmer may be required to enforce the sequential execution of those operations as a whole to avoid atomicity violations. This situation is specially common when the developer makes use of services from third-party packages or modules. This thesis proposes a methodology, based on the design by contract methodology, to specify which sequences of operations must be executed atomically. We developed an analysis that statically verifies that a client of a module is respecting its contract, allowing the programmer to identify the source of possible atomicity violations.
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Dissertation submitted in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the Degree of Master of Science in Geospatial Technologies.
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A PhD Dissertation, presented as part of the requirements for the Degree of Doctor of Philosophy from the NOVA - School of Business and Economics
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The aim of this article is to examine the composition and patterns of recruitment of the ministries’directors-general, as well as to assess the interconnections between bureaucracy and politics, from the beginnings of Regeneração (1851) until the breakdown of Monarchy (1910). The post of director-general was considered one of “political trust”, that might be filled by individuals from outside the civil service, and the selection and de-selection of officeholders depended exclusively on the ministers’ will. Nonetheless, most directors-general were experienced bureaucrats, boasting a steady career as civil servants, and remained in office for long terms, regardless of ministerial discontinuities. In other words, High Administration became relatively immune to party-driven politics. Due to their professional background and lengthy tenure, directors-general were usually highly skilled specialists, combining technical expertise and practical knowledge of the wheels of state bureaucracy. Hence, they were often influential actors in policy-making, playing an active (and sometimes decisive) part behind the scenes, in both designing and implementing government policies. As regards their social profile, directors-general formed a cohesive and homogeneous elite group: being predominantly drawn from urban middle class milieus, highly educated, and appointed to office in their forties.
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RESUMO: A violência contra as mulheres (VCM) é um problema de saúde pública e uma violação dos direitos humanos. Ele tem uma alta prevalência na América Latina e no Caribe; o Estudo da Violência Contra as Mulheres da Organização Mundial de Saúde (OMS) identificou que as mulheres peruanas sofrem o maior índice de violência. O Perú é signatário da CEDAW e da Convenção de Belém do Pará, com recomendações para resolver este tipo de discriminação e descrever o papel do setor da saúde. A lei peruana define a violência como um problema de saúde mental. Objectivos: As três orientações clínicas do Ministério da Saúde para avaliar a integração da componente de saúde mental no cuidado de mulheres afetadas pela VCM foram revistas. Método: A proteção da saúde mental foi avaliada nas orientações acima mencionadas. A lei peruana relevante para perceber o reconhecimento das consequências de VCM na saúde mental e os cuidados prestados neste contexto foram revistos. Usando esses padrões nacionais e internacionais, foi realizada uma análise de conteúdo dos guias peruanos para a atenção da violência para ver como eles se integram a saúde mental. Resultados: Estas orientações são muito extensas e não definem claramente a responsabilidade dos profissionais de saúde. Não incluem um exame de saúde mental na avaliação da vítima e são vagas na descrição das atividades a serem realizadas pelo prestador dos cuidados de saúde. As orientações recomendam uma triagem universal usando um instrumento com formato antiquado e pesado. Em contrapartida, as orientações da OMS não recomendam qualquer triagem. Conclusão: As várias orientações analisadas não fornecem a informação necessária para o profissional de saúde avaliar o envolvimento da saúde mental e, desnecessariamente, tratam as mulheres sobreviventes de VCM como doentes mentais. Recomenda-se que as orientações recentes da OMS (Responding to intimate partner violence and sexual violence against women: WHO clinical and policy guidelines, 2013) para os cuidados de VCM sejam usadas como um modelo para o desenvolvimento de um único dispositivo técnico que incorpora directrizes com base científica. legislação com base no género, saúde, guias, prevenção e mujeres 6 RESUMO (PORTUGUESE) A violência contra as mulheres (VCM) é um problema de saúde pública e uma violação dos direitos humanos. Ele tem uma alta prevalência na América Latina e no Caribe; o Estudo da Violência Contra as Mulheres da Organização Mundial de Saúde (OMS) identificou que as mulheres peruanas sofrem o maior índice de violência. O Perú é signatário da CEDAW e da Convenção de Belém do Pará, com recomendações para resolver este tipo de discriminação e descrever o papel do setor da saúde. A lei peruana define a violência como um problema de saúde mental. Objectivos: As três orientações clínicas do Ministério da Saúde para avaliar a integração da componente de saúde mental no cuidado de mulheres afetadas pela VCM foram revistas. Método: A proteção da saúde mental foi avaliada nas orientações acima mencionadas. A lei peruana relevante para perceber o reconhecimento das consequências de VCM na saúde mental e os cuidados prestados neste contexto foram revistos. Usando esses padrões nacionais e internacionais, foi realizada uma análise de conteúdo dos guias peruanos para a atenção da violência para ver como eles se integram a saúde mental. Resultados: Estas orientações são muito extensas e não definem claramente a responsabilidade dos profissionais de saúde. Não incluem um exame de saúde mental na avaliação da vítima e são vagas na descrição das atividades a serem realizadas pelo prestador dos cuidados de saúde. As orientações recomendam uma triagem universal usando um instrumento com formato antiquado e pesado. Em contrapartida, as orientações da OMS não recomendam qualquer triagem. Conclusão: As várias orientações analisadas não fornecem a informação necessária para o profissional de saúde avaliar o envolvimento da saúde mental e, desnecessariamente, tratam as mulheres sobreviventes de VCM como doentes mentais. Recomenda-se que as orientações recentes da OMS (Responding to intimate partner violence and sexual violence against women: WHO clinical and policy guidelines, 2013) para os cuidados de VCM sejam usadas como um modelo para o desenvolvimento de um único dispositivo técnico que incorpora directrizes com base científica.-----------------ABSTRACT: Violence against women (VAW) is a public health problem and a human rights violation. It is highly prevalent in Latin America and the Caribbean; the Multi-country Study on Violence against Women by the World Health Organization identified rural Peruvian women as suffering the highest rates of VAW. The country is party to CEDAW and Belen Do Para Conventions, which set forth recommendations to overcome this form of discrimination and describe the role of the health sector. Peruvian law defines violence as a mental health issue. Objective: The Ministry of Health’s three technical guidelines were reviewed to assess the integration of mental health into the care of women affected by violence Method: The protection of the woman’s mental health was ascertained in the conventions mentioned above. The recognition of the mental health consequences of VAW and the inclusion of its evaluation and care were assessed in pertinent Peruvian legislation. Using these international and national parameters, the three guidelines for the attention of violence were subject to content analysis to see whether they conform to the conventions and integrate mental health care. Outcome: These guidelines are too extensive and do not clearly define the responsibility of health workers. They do not include a mental health exam in the evaluation of the victim and are vague in the description of the actions to be carried out by the health care provider. Guidelines prescribe universal screening using an outdated instrument and moreover, WHO Guidelines do not recommend screening. Conclusion: These multiple guidelines do not provide useful guidance for health care providers, particularly for the assessment of mental health sequelae, and unnecessarily stigmatize survivors of violence as mentally ill. It is recommended that the World Health Organization’s document Responding to intimate partner violence and sexual violence against women: WHO clinical and policy guidelines (2013) be used as a blueprint for only one technical instrument that incorporates evidence -based national policy and guidelines.
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In his Answer to the Question: What is Enlightenment (1784), Kant puts forward his belief that the vocation to think freely, which humankind is endowed with, is bound to make sure that “the public use of reason” will at last act “even on the fundamental principles of government and the state [will] find it agreeable to treat man – who is now more than a machine – in accord with his dignity”. The critical reference to La Mettrie (1747), by opposing the machine to human dignity, will echo, in the dawn of the 20th century, in Bergson’s attempt to explain humor. Besides being exclusive to humans, humor is also a social phenomenon. Freud (1905) assures that pleasure originated by humor is collective, it results from a “social process”: jokes need an audience, a “third party”, in order to work and have fun. Assuming humor as a social and cultural phenomenon, this paper intends to sustain that it played a role in the framing of the public sphere and of public opinion in Portugal during the transition from Absolute Monarchy to Liberalism. The search for the conditions which made possible the critical exercise of sociability is at the root of the creation of the public sphere in the sense developed by Habermas (1962), whose perspective, however, has been questioned by those who point 2 out the alleged idealism of the concept – as opposed, for example, to Bakhtin (1970), whose work stresses diversity and pluralism. This notwithstanding, the concept of public sphere is crucial to the building of public opinion, which is, in turn, indissoluble from the principle of publicity, as demonstrated by Bobbio (1985). This paper discusses the historical evolution of the concept of public opinion from Ancient Greece doxa, through Machiavelli’s “humors” (1532), the origin of the expression in Montaigne (1580) and the contributions of Hobbes (1651), Locke (1690), Swift (1729), Rousseau (1762) or Hume (1777), up to the reflection of Lippman (1922) and Bourdieu’s critique (1984). It maintains that humor, as it appears in Portuguese printed periodicals from 1797 (when Almocreve de Petas was published for the first time) to the end of the civil war (1834) – especially in those edited by José Daniel Rodrigues da Costa but also in O Piolho Viajante, by António Manuel Policarpo da Silva, or in the ones written by José Agostinho de Macedo, as well as in a political “elite minded” periodical such as Correio Braziliense –, contributed to the framing of the public sphere and of public opinion in Portugal.