6 resultados para Combine harvester
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Dissertation presented to obtain the Ph.D degree in Engineering and Technology Sciences, Biotechnology.
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The term res publica (literally “thing of the people”) was coined by the Romans to translate the Greek word politeia, which, as we know, referred to a political community organised in accordance with certain principles, amongst which the notion of the “good life” (as against exclusively private interests) was paramount. This ideal also came to be known as political virtue. To achieve it, it was necessary to combine the best of each “constitutional” type and avoid their worst aspects (tyranny, oligarchy and ochlocracy). Hence, the term acquired from the Greeks a sense of being a “mixed” and “balanced” system. Anyone that was entitled to citizenship could participate in the governance of the “public thing”. This implied the institutionalization of open debate and confrontation between interested parties as a way of achieving the consensus necessary to ensure that man the political animal, who fought with words and reason, prevailed over his “natural” counterpart. These premises lie at the heart of the project which is now being presented under the title of Res Publica: Citizenship and Political Representation in Portugal, 1820-1926. The fact that it is integrated into the centenary commemorations of the establishment of the Republic in Portugal is significant, as it was the idea of revolution – with its promise of rupture and change – that inspired it. However, it has also sought to explore events that could be considered the precursor of democratization in the history of Portugal, namely the vintista, setembrista and patuleia revolutions. It is true that the republican regime was opposed to the monarchic. However, although the thesis that monarchy would inevitably lead to tyranny had held sway for centuries, it had also been long believed that the monarchic system could be as “politically virtuous” as a republic (in the strict sense of the word) provided that power was not concentrated in the hands of a single individual. Moreover, various historical experiments had shown that republics could also degenerate into Caesarism and different kinds of despotism. Thus, when absolutism began to be overturned in continental Europe in the name of the natural rights of man and the new social pact theories, initiating the difficult process of (written) constitutionalization, the monarchic principle began to be qualified as a “monarchy hedged by republican institutions”, a situation in which not even the king was exempt from isonomy. This context justifies the time frame chosen here, as it captures the various changes and continuities that run through it. Having rejected the imperative mandate and the reinstatement of the model of corporative representation (which did not mean that, in new contexts, this might not be revived, or that the second chamber established by the Constitutional Charter of 1826 might not be given another lease of life), a new power base was convened: national sovereignty, a precept that would be shared by the monarchic constitutions of 1822 and 1838, and by the republican one of 1911. This followed the French example (manifested in the monarchic constitution of 1791 and in the Spanish constitution of 1812), as not even republicans entertained a tradition of republicanism based upon popular sovereignty. This enables us to better understand the rejection of direct democracy and universal suffrage, and also the long incapacitation (concerning voting and standing for office) of the vast body of “passive” citizens, justified by “enlightened”, property- and gender-based criteria. Although the republicans had promised in the propaganda phase to alter this situation, they ultimately failed to do so. Indeed, throughout the whole period under analysis, the realisation of the potential of national sovereignty was mediated above all by the individual citizen through his choice of representatives. However, this representation was indirect and took place at national level, in the hope that action would be motivated not by particular local interests but by the common good, as dictated by reason. This was considered the only way for the law to be virtuous, a requirement that was also manifested in the separation and balance of powers. As sovereignty was postulated as single and indivisible, so would be the nation that gave it soul and the State that embodied it. Although these characteristics were common to foreign paradigms of reference, in Portugal, the constitutionalization process also sought to nationalise the idea of Empire. Indeed, this had been the overriding purpose of the 1822 Constitution, and it persisted, even after the loss of Brazil, until decolonization. Then, the dream of a single nation stretching from the Minho to Timor finally came to an end.
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This paper designs a pairs trading model with the intent to identify existing profitable market opportunities to invest, i.e. traditionally strong correlated stocks that have diverged from its historical norm. It comprises a broad literature review on this strategy whose relevant findings (strategy improvements) are contemplated in the model. The authors combine the statistical results of the model with a backtesting analysis in order to provide guidance on the best investment opportunities.
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Portugal, having responsibilities at European level, needs to ensure compliance with European standards, particularly with regard to the European Security Plan for Critical Infrastructures. National critical infrastructures should be a focus of attention with regard to the management of public risks, since these represent "a set of services that are essential to the functioning of the country and the functioning of the forces that ensure national defense." (Soares, 2008) This contribution on national critical infrastructures (CI) has the essential objective of clarifying the development of the strategy adopted by Portugal in pursuit of the security of these fundamental infrastructures. The goal lies not only through producing a descriptive document, but also carry a brief confrontation between the legal framework related to these subjects and the reality in which the Critical Infrastructure Operators and the National Civil Protection Authority (ANPC) operate. It is intended, in this sense, to understand the development of the project for the national security program of critical infrastructures and what effects of its measures on operators. As for the methodology, we followed a methodological strategy, where we combine the literature with data obtained through semi-structured interviews. Portugal, being a geographically peripheral country and having no record of incidents capable of causing major contingencies in key services for the normal development of society, does not have a structured and regulator plan that substantiates the need for operators responsible for CI to invest in security. This same approach is expected at the State level, believing that even though this theme has be widely explored by international institutions, Portugal has not yet tried to give the attention it deserves. Without the existence of an institution and a regulatory system, CI operators can become less available to comply with the legal framework.
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Em 2004 Gail Anderson afirmava haver uma clara necessidade de os museus conquistarem novas audiências, especialmente os jovens. Onze anos depois, os especialistas de estudos culturais identificam o mesmo problema. No entanto, com o desenvolvimento constante das tecnologias digitais móveis e, em particular, as redes sociais, as instituições museológicas devem adaptar os seus recursos e aproveitar esta oportunidade (Drotner e Schodner, 2003), de modo a criar uma relação mais próxima com os jovens, a faixa étaria mais ligada a estes novos media. A Fundação Calouste Gulbenkian, em particular o Museu Gulbenkian, para além da importância visível que tem no mundo cultural em Portugal, é uma das instituições culturais que mais aposta na divulgação digital, nomeadamente nas redes sociais onde está presente. Através de um questionário online realizado a 160 jovens entre os 13 e os 25 anos foi possível identificar que os inquiridos vão a museus com pouca frequência; que gostariam de ver os museus como espaços interativos que incentivem à participação e ao diálogo; que estão presentes nas redes sociais e que, através dos conteúdos certos, apesar de mais de metade afirmar visitar o Museu Gulbenkian menos de uma vez por ano, tivessem vontade de o fazer mais frequentemente. Através da opinião de um conservador do Museu Gulbenkian e da responsável pela comunicação digital da Fundação Calouste Gulbenkian, foi possível concluir que ambos acham que o Museu Gulbenkian não é um espaço desenhado para os jovens e que as redes sociais são um meio fundamental para alcançar esta faixa etária. Com os resultados dos inquéritos realizados aos jovens e as propostas de solução para este problema dadas pelos entrevistados, é possível sugerir quatro estratégias de comunicação que tornem os museus “um lugar para se estar”, do ponto de vista dos jovens: apostar e desenvolver a aplicação mobile; fazer um passe que combine uma entrada no museu e um menu numa das cafeterias; realizar através das redes sociais passatempos para ganhar bilhetes para as exposições; apostar em eventos noturnos inseridos no Museu.
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Recent research has shown that carry and trend strategies when combined lead to significant risk-adjusted returns that can be very attractive to investors, at a low cost with small and positive skewness. This study proposes to combine both carry and trend-following, considering a data set of ten years (09/2005-09/2015), within a portfolio composed by three major asset classes: currencies, commodities and equity indices. Following a futures-based methodology, the obtained results show that, indeed, the strategy results inevitably in higher returns and greater sharpe ratios for every asset class in study. This outcome results from the fact that trend proved to provide a significant hedge to the downside risk that carry is exposed to.