Res Publica: Citizenship and Political Representation in Portugal, 1820-1926

The term res publica (literally “thing of the people”) was coined by the Romans to translate the Greek word politeia, which, as we know, referred to a political community organised in accordance with certain principles, amongst which the notion of the “good life” (as against exclusively private interests) was paramount. This ideal also came to be known as political virtue. To achieve it, it was necessary to combine the best of each “constitutional” type and avoid their worst aspects (tyranny, oligarchy and ochlocracy). Hence, the term acquired from the Greeks a sense of being a “mixed” and “balanced” system. Anyone that was entitled to citizenship could participate in the governance of the “public thing”. This implied the institutionalization of open debate and confrontation between interested parties as a way of achieving the consensus necessary to ensure that man the political animal, who fought with words and reason, prevailed over his “natural” counterpart. These premises lie at the heart of the project which is now being presented under the title of Res Publica: Citizenship and Political Representation in Portugal, 1820-1926. The fact that it is integrated into the centenary commemorations of the establishment of the Republic in Portugal is significant, as it was the idea of revolution – with its promise of rupture and change – that inspired it. However, it has also sought to explore events that could be considered the precursor of democratization in the history of Portugal, namely the vintista, setembrista and patuleia revolutions. It is true that the republican regime was opposed to the monarchic. However, although the thesis that monarchy would inevitably lead to tyranny had held sway for centuries, it had also been long believed that the monarchic system could be as “politically virtuous” as a republic (in the strict sense of the word) provided that power was not concentrated in the hands of a single individual. Moreover, various historical experiments had shown that republics could also degenerate into Caesarism and different kinds of despotism. Thus, when absolutism began to be overturned in continental Europe in the name of the natural rights of man and the new social pact theories, initiating the difficult process of (written) constitutionalization, the monarchic principle began to be qualified as a “monarchy hedged by republican institutions”, a situation in which not even the king was exempt from isonomy. This context justifies the time frame chosen here, as it captures the various changes and continuities that run through it. Having rejected the imperative mandate and the reinstatement of the model of corporative representation (which did not mean that, in new contexts, this might not be revived, or that the second chamber established by the Constitutional Charter of 1826 might not be given another lease of life), a new power base was convened: national sovereignty, a precept that would be shared by the monarchic constitutions of 1822 and 1838, and by the republican one of 1911. This followed the French example (manifested in the monarchic constitution of 1791 and in the Spanish constitution of 1812), as not even republicans entertained a tradition of republicanism based upon popular sovereignty. This enables us to better understand the rejection of direct democracy and universal suffrage, and also the long incapacitation (concerning voting and standing for office) of the vast body of “passive” citizens, justified by “enlightened”, property- and gender-based criteria. Although the republicans had promised in the propaganda phase to alter this situation, they ultimately failed to do so. Indeed, throughout the whole period under analysis, the realisation of the potential of national sovereignty was mediated above all by the individual citizen through his choice of representatives. However, this representation was indirect and took place at national level, in the hope that action would be motivated not by particular local interests but by the common good, as dictated by reason. This was considered the only way for the law to be virtuous, a requirement that was also manifested in the separation and balance of powers. As sovereignty was postulated as single and indivisible, so would be the nation that gave it soul and the State that embodied it. Although these characteristics were common to foreign paradigms of reference, in Portugal, the constitutionalization process also sought to nationalise the idea of Empire. Indeed, this had been the overriding purpose of the 1822 Constitution, and it persisted, even after the loss of Brazil, until decolonization. Then, the dream of a single nation stretching from the Minho to Timor finally came to an end.

Sonhos e expectativas de jovens do ensino básico em contexto multicultural e económicamente desfavorecido

O intenso fluxo migratório na Europa nas últimas décadas, em função do desemprego e de carências sociais e económicas noutras regiões, que obrigou as populações a deslocarem-se para outros territórios em busca de melhores condições de vida, conduziu a novos questionamentos. Esta nova reconfiguração populacional originou novas gerações de imigrantes espalhados pela Europa. Portugal não fica atrás desta mudança, pelo contrário, pois é um dos países dentro da União Europeia (UE) que mais acolhe os imigrantes. Perante estas novas mudanças na Europa, nomeadamente em Portugal, como estas novas gerações de imigrantes veem esta nova realidade? Quais são os seus sonhos e objetivos? O que eles pensam acerca do futuro? O presente estudo tem por objetivo saber o que pensam os jovens imigrantes e economicamente desfavorecidos num mundo cada vez mais globalizado, pois acredita-se que a forma como vemos o mundo irá definir não somente o futuro de cada indivíduo mas também o futuro do país onde vivemos. A escola, como um dos principais meios para o desenvolvimento integral dos seus alunos, tem um papel definitivo na sua formação. Por isso, o presente trabalho realizou uma investigação empírica com alunos do 1º, 2º e 3º ciclos de origem portuguesa, africana, brasileira e ucraniana numa Escola em Lisboa, a fim de saber quais são os seus sonhos e expetativas em relação ao futuro. O trabalho divide-se em duas partes: a primeira compreende a apresentação de conceitos referentes à educação multicultural, contexto economicamente desfavorecido, jovem do ensino básico e economicamente desfavorecido, expetativas e autoestima em contexto escolar. Já na segunda parte, a investigação apresenta a metodologia, a qual tem uma abordagem qualitativa e exploratória. Neste capítulo houve dois procedimentos para a recolha de dados: o primeiro foi a aplicação de 35 questionários aos alunos e o segundo foi uma entrevista presencial com a Direção da Escola. Estas técnicas de recolha de informação permitiram-nos confrontar as expetativas dos jovens de origem imigrante e economicamente desfavorecida com as expetativas da Escola em relação a eles, apontando para uma clara dissonância face às ideias dos jovens e às da Instituição Educativa. Perante este cenário de divergências, o presente trabalho levanta questões para futuras investigações, entre elas: como a escola portuguesa trabalha a autoestima dos jovens imigrantes e economicamente desfavorecidos? Por que um professor tem a tendência de acreditar que um jovem de classe social desfavorecida não tem condições de chegar a um curso superior? Estas e outras questões ficam para futuras investigações