Conception and first results of a cross-sectional national study on the demography, disease characteristics and socioeconomics status of the Portuguese patients with multiple sclerosis : the PORT-MS study

RESUMO: Introdução e objetivos: Não existia um estudo multicêntrico que descrevesse as características dos doentes com EM, da doença em si, ou do seu tratamento, em Portugal.Métodos: Doentes McDonald 2010 positivos foram sequencialmente recrutados em 7 centros entre Maio e Novembro 2014. Aplicou-se um Caderno de Recolha de Dados incidindo na demografia, doença, educação e emprego (estudo PORT-MS). Resultados: 561 doentes incluídos. Primeiros sintomas aos 30,2±10,5 anos (RRMS 29,2±10, PPMS 39,4±11,7, p<0,001); diagnóstico 3,2±5,3 anos depois (RRMS 3,0±5,1, PPMS 4,9±2,5, p=0,002); tempo de doença após diagnóstico 9,4±7,2 anos (semelhante RRMS no diagnóstico e PPMS); idade atual 42,9±12,4 anos (grupo RRMS no diagnóstico 42,0±12,1, PPMS 52,5±11,3, p<0,001); EDSS atual 2,5 (RRMS 2.0, PPMS 6.0); proporção feminino:masculino é 2,5:1 (RRMS semelhante, PPMS 1,1:1, p<0,05); no diagnóstico RRMS 90,6%, SPMS 0,9%, PPMS 8,6%; 9,5% dos RRMS encontravam-se em SP na inclusão (nomeadamente os com mais idade no diagnóstico e/ou atualidade ou tempo de doença mais prolongado). PPMS mais frequente em doentes diagnosticados mais tardiamente (p<0,001), onde aumenta também ligeiramente a proporção de mulheres na PPMS. Nas últimas décadas: novos casos mostram estabilidade na proporção de géneros e tipos de doença; idade nos primeiros sintomas e no diagnóstico aumentou ligeiramente, tempo entre eles diminuiu ligeiramente. Proporção sob DMT (Maio 2014): global 84,5%; atualmente RRMS 90,4%; SPMS 70,8%; PPMS 36,8%; progressivas agregadas 48%. Tipo de DMT, amostra global: interferões 56,5%, GA 18,4%, Natalizumab 11,6%, Fingolimod 9,7%. Global: economicamente ativos 61,5%, desemprego 13,5%, 74,1% dos não activos estão reformados por doença. Gravidezes após diagnóstico em 15% mulheres. Casos com história familiar positiva 7,8%. Discussão e conclusões: Incluída cerca de 10% da população portuguesa. Resultados congruentes com dados internacionais. Elevada proporção sob DMT, mesmo EDSS alto e formas progressivas. Terapêuticas de segunda linha sub representadas. Doentes jovens e com doença ligeira com vida económica ativa; restantes essencialmente reformados por doença.---------------- ABSTRACT : Background/aims: In Portugal, there wasn’t a multicentric study on the general characteristics (demography, disease milestones, DMT, socioeconomic status) of Multiple Sclerosis patients. Methods: Patients fulfilling McDonald 2010 criteria were sequentially recruited from May to November 2014 in 7 centers and data was systematically collected. Results: 561 patients included. First symptoms occurred at 30,2±10,5 years-old (RRMS 29,2±10, PPMS 39,4±11,7, p<0,001); diagnosis 3,2±5,3 years later (RRMS 3,0±5,1, PPMS 4,9±2,5, p=0,002); 9,4±7,2 years elapsed since diagnosis (similar for those is RRMS at diagnosis and PPMS); current age 42,9±12,4 years-old (group RRMS at diagnosis 42,0±12,1, PPMS 52,5±11,3, p<0,001); current EDSS 2,5 (RRMS 2.0, PPMS 6.0); females to males 2,5:1 (RRMS similar, PPMS 1,1:1, p<0,05); at diagnosis RRMS 90,6%, SPMS 0,9%, PPMS 8,6%; 9,5% of RRMS reached SP at inclusion (those older at diagnosis, in actuality, or with longer follow-up). PPMS more frequente in patients diagnosed at older ages (p<0,001), also slight increase in females. Along the last decades: new cases have showed stable proportions of gender and disease types; age at first symptoms and diagnosis slightly increased, time between them slightly decreased. Proportion on DMT (May 2014): 84,5% of all; 90,4% of currently in RRMS; 70,8% of SPMS; 36,8% of PPMS; 48% of progressive forms together. Type of DMT, all patients: interferons 56,5%, Glatiramer Acetate 18,4%, Natalizumab 11,6%, Fingolimod 9,7%. Economically active 61,5% of all, unemployment 13,5%, 74,1% of non-active are retired due to disease. Females pregnant after diagnosis 15%. Positive family cases in 7,8%. Discussion/Conclusions: 10% of the national MS population collected. Data generally consistente with international reports. Proportion under DMT relatively high in all disease types, but second line therapies underrepresented. Young patients with mild disease have an active economic life. Those not active are essentially retired due to disease.

Res Publica: Citizenship and Political Representation in Portugal, 1820-1926

The term res publica (literally “thing of the people”) was coined by the Romans to translate the Greek word politeia, which, as we know, referred to a political community organised in accordance with certain principles, amongst which the notion of the “good life” (as against exclusively private interests) was paramount. This ideal also came to be known as political virtue. To achieve it, it was necessary to combine the best of each “constitutional” type and avoid their worst aspects (tyranny, oligarchy and ochlocracy). Hence, the term acquired from the Greeks a sense of being a “mixed” and “balanced” system. Anyone that was entitled to citizenship could participate in the governance of the “public thing”. This implied the institutionalization of open debate and confrontation between interested parties as a way of achieving the consensus necessary to ensure that man the political animal, who fought with words and reason, prevailed over his “natural” counterpart. These premises lie at the heart of the project which is now being presented under the title of Res Publica: Citizenship and Political Representation in Portugal, 1820-1926. The fact that it is integrated into the centenary commemorations of the establishment of the Republic in Portugal is significant, as it was the idea of revolution – with its promise of rupture and change – that inspired it. However, it has also sought to explore events that could be considered the precursor of democratization in the history of Portugal, namely the vintista, setembrista and patuleia revolutions. It is true that the republican regime was opposed to the monarchic. However, although the thesis that monarchy would inevitably lead to tyranny had held sway for centuries, it had also been long believed that the monarchic system could be as “politically virtuous” as a republic (in the strict sense of the word) provided that power was not concentrated in the hands of a single individual. Moreover, various historical experiments had shown that republics could also degenerate into Caesarism and different kinds of despotism. Thus, when absolutism began to be overturned in continental Europe in the name of the natural rights of man and the new social pact theories, initiating the difficult process of (written) constitutionalization, the monarchic principle began to be qualified as a “monarchy hedged by republican institutions”, a situation in which not even the king was exempt from isonomy. This context justifies the time frame chosen here, as it captures the various changes and continuities that run through it. Having rejected the imperative mandate and the reinstatement of the model of corporative representation (which did not mean that, in new contexts, this might not be revived, or that the second chamber established by the Constitutional Charter of 1826 might not be given another lease of life), a new power base was convened: national sovereignty, a precept that would be shared by the monarchic constitutions of 1822 and 1838, and by the republican one of 1911. This followed the French example (manifested in the monarchic constitution of 1791 and in the Spanish constitution of 1812), as not even republicans entertained a tradition of republicanism based upon popular sovereignty. This enables us to better understand the rejection of direct democracy and universal suffrage, and also the long incapacitation (concerning voting and standing for office) of the vast body of “passive” citizens, justified by “enlightened”, property- and gender-based criteria. Although the republicans had promised in the propaganda phase to alter this situation, they ultimately failed to do so. Indeed, throughout the whole period under analysis, the realisation of the potential of national sovereignty was mediated above all by the individual citizen through his choice of representatives. However, this representation was indirect and took place at national level, in the hope that action would be motivated not by particular local interests but by the common good, as dictated by reason. This was considered the only way for the law to be virtuous, a requirement that was also manifested in the separation and balance of powers. As sovereignty was postulated as single and indivisible, so would be the nation that gave it soul and the State that embodied it. Although these characteristics were common to foreign paradigms of reference, in Portugal, the constitutionalization process also sought to nationalise the idea of Empire. Indeed, this had been the overriding purpose of the 1822 Constitution, and it persisted, even after the loss of Brazil, until decolonization. Then, the dream of a single nation stretching from the Minho to Timor finally came to an end.