Res Publica: Citizenship and Political Representation in Portugal, 1820-1926

The term res publica (literally “thing of the people”) was coined by the Romans to translate the Greek word politeia, which, as we know, referred to a political community organised in accordance with certain principles, amongst which the notion of the “good life” (as against exclusively private interests) was paramount. This ideal also came to be known as political virtue. To achieve it, it was necessary to combine the best of each “constitutional” type and avoid their worst aspects (tyranny, oligarchy and ochlocracy). Hence, the term acquired from the Greeks a sense of being a “mixed” and “balanced” system. Anyone that was entitled to citizenship could participate in the governance of the “public thing”. This implied the institutionalization of open debate and confrontation between interested parties as a way of achieving the consensus necessary to ensure that man the political animal, who fought with words and reason, prevailed over his “natural” counterpart. These premises lie at the heart of the project which is now being presented under the title of Res Publica: Citizenship and Political Representation in Portugal, 1820-1926. The fact that it is integrated into the centenary commemorations of the establishment of the Republic in Portugal is significant, as it was the idea of revolution – with its promise of rupture and change – that inspired it. However, it has also sought to explore events that could be considered the precursor of democratization in the history of Portugal, namely the vintista, setembrista and patuleia revolutions. It is true that the republican regime was opposed to the monarchic. However, although the thesis that monarchy would inevitably lead to tyranny had held sway for centuries, it had also been long believed that the monarchic system could be as “politically virtuous” as a republic (in the strict sense of the word) provided that power was not concentrated in the hands of a single individual. Moreover, various historical experiments had shown that republics could also degenerate into Caesarism and different kinds of despotism. Thus, when absolutism began to be overturned in continental Europe in the name of the natural rights of man and the new social pact theories, initiating the difficult process of (written) constitutionalization, the monarchic principle began to be qualified as a “monarchy hedged by republican institutions”, a situation in which not even the king was exempt from isonomy. This context justifies the time frame chosen here, as it captures the various changes and continuities that run through it. Having rejected the imperative mandate and the reinstatement of the model of corporative representation (which did not mean that, in new contexts, this might not be revived, or that the second chamber established by the Constitutional Charter of 1826 might not be given another lease of life), a new power base was convened: national sovereignty, a precept that would be shared by the monarchic constitutions of 1822 and 1838, and by the republican one of 1911. This followed the French example (manifested in the monarchic constitution of 1791 and in the Spanish constitution of 1812), as not even republicans entertained a tradition of republicanism based upon popular sovereignty. This enables us to better understand the rejection of direct democracy and universal suffrage, and also the long incapacitation (concerning voting and standing for office) of the vast body of “passive” citizens, justified by “enlightened”, property- and gender-based criteria. Although the republicans had promised in the propaganda phase to alter this situation, they ultimately failed to do so. Indeed, throughout the whole period under analysis, the realisation of the potential of national sovereignty was mediated above all by the individual citizen through his choice of representatives. However, this representation was indirect and took place at national level, in the hope that action would be motivated not by particular local interests but by the common good, as dictated by reason. This was considered the only way for the law to be virtuous, a requirement that was also manifested in the separation and balance of powers. As sovereignty was postulated as single and indivisible, so would be the nation that gave it soul and the State that embodied it. Although these characteristics were common to foreign paradigms of reference, in Portugal, the constitutionalization process also sought to nationalise the idea of Empire. Indeed, this had been the overriding purpose of the 1822 Constitution, and it persisted, even after the loss of Brazil, until decolonization. Then, the dream of a single nation stretching from the Minho to Timor finally came to an end.

Evaluation of outpatient child-adolescent mental health services (CAMHS) in Attica-Greece

ABSTRACT: Background: Childhood is a critical time for social and emotional development, educational progress and mental health prevention. Mental health for children and adolescents is defined by the achievement of expected developmental, cognitive, social and emotional skills. The development of child-adolescent mental health services (CAMHS) is a necessity for each country, not only as a prevention measure for the wellbeing of people, but also as an investment to the future of countries. Qualitative evaluation of services is the only way to ensure whether services function under quality standards and increase the possibility of better outcomes for their patients. This study examines the greek outpatient CAMHS against the British Standards of National Institute of Excellence for community CAMHS. The Standards assessed refer to the areas of Assessment, Care and Intervention. Objectives: The main objectives of the study are 1) to evaluate Greek outpatient CAMHS in the Attica region 2) to promote the evaluation process for mental health services in Greece. Methods: Due to the fact that Greek services are based on the British model, the tool used was the British self-review questionnaire of Quality Network for Community CAMHS(QNCC).The tool was translated, adapted and posted to services. Twelve out of twenty outpatient CAMHS of Attica (including Athens) responded. Data was collected and performed by the Statistical Package for Social Sciences SPSS. Results: The study resulted that the CAMHS examined, meet moderately the British Standards of 1) Referral and Access, 2) Assessment & Care planning, 3) Care & Intervention. Two out of twelve services examined, meet the standards of "Assessment and Care" in a higher percentage between 75% and 100%. Conclusions: The paper describes a satisfactory function of CAMHS in Attica prefecture taking into consideration the extremely difficult political situation of Greece at the time of the research. Strong and weak domains are identified. Also the translation and adaptation of British tools promote the evaluation process and quality assurance of Greek CAMHS.

How different generations contact and search for brands on social media? Comparing gen X and Y

This research intends to examine if there were significant differences on the brand engagement and on the electronic word of mouth (e-WOM)1 referral intention through Facebook between Generation X and Generation Y (also called millennials). Also, this study intends to examine if there are differences in the motivations that drive these generations to interact with brands through Facebook. Results indicated that Generation Y members consumed more content on Facebook brands’ pages than Generation X. Also, they were more likely to have an e-WOM referral intention as well as being more driven by brand affiliation and opportunity seeking. Finally, currently employed individuals were found to contribute with more content than students. This study fills the gap in the literature by addressing how marketing professionals should market their brand and interact and engage with their customers, based on customers’ generational cohort.

O serviço fiscal aduaneiro criminal e contraordenacional da GNR

At a time of global economic instability, to which Portugal is not oblivious, and aware that the main source of Portuguese State revenue relies on the collection of tribute, the National Republican Guard holds within its mission relevant assignments to the protection of the financial interests of the country, in particular, fiscal and customs. These assignments were inherited from the century - old institution Guarda Fiscal - with evidence given in this domain, which was integrated into the National Republican Guard in 1993, to adopt, a 1St model, that held a specialized unit – Brigada Fiscal, with surveillance and patrolling missions of costa and fiscal and customs supervision, throughout the national territory and maritime zone of respect. In 2009, the result of political decisions, reorganization the State's central administration, appears de 2Nd model, because the Brigada Fiscal assignments were divided by two specialized units - UAF with investigation skills, and UCC for patrolling and surveillance of the coast. Analyzed the legal spectrum of special legislation leading the criminal and transgression sector punitive (RGIT), in essence, is in the UAF that resides the role assignments from the scope of the investigation and supervision of goods in the national territory on a par with the tax authority. Tax inspection assignments, fiscal and customs of the National Republican Guard, are unmatched in the National Tribute System, constituting itself as a potentiality of this special body, in similarity of their counterparts - Spain and Italy; however, have some constraints, that urge to clarify and repair. Foreseeing the future, face the announced news of a new restructuring, on behalf of the interests of the country, and in order to raise the quality of performance of the tax inspection, fiscal and customs, the National Republican Guard shall maintain a model based on the experience already accumulated, obviously adapted to the new demands of a changing society. Despite the current model gain in efficiency, loses in effectiveness. However, the efficiency of a model, without the necessary resources, can never bring “the letter to Garcia” against any kind of infringements, criminal or transgressions. Unless better opinion, both tax structures of the National Republican Guard are valid as an instrument for the prevention and combat of these illegal types. Because they are strategic in pursuing the public interest, given the scarce resources of the country and be the National Republican Guard, the force with the means and know-how of this nature. The political power has the final word.