14 resultados para Political action committees.

em Repositório Científico do Instituto Politécnico de Lisboa - Portugal


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The authoritarian regime of the Portuguese Estado Novo (New State), the longest dictatorship in twentieth-century Western Europe, suffered one of its most serious threats during the late 1950s and the whole of the following decade. An array of events and dynamics of opposition to the regime and condemnation of the political and social situation in Portugal appeared at that time. One of the core groups that displayed their dissidence in the 1960s, with the awakening of their critical conscience, originated in Catholic sectors that rallied the laity and the clergy to express their disagreement or even break with the government of Salazar (and, later, Marcelo Caetano). This article aims to establish the role of print culture and, in particular, publishing in the opposition’s mobilisation of Catholics who criticised the Estado Novo. It will also closely examine the contribution of certain publishers to the formulation of the terms of this mobilisation, in publishing new authors and topics and creating new printed forums (e.g. periodicals) for discussion and reflection. The most detailed case will be that of the publishing house Livraria Moraes Editora, under the command of the publisher António Alçada Baptista.

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Although leadership investigation has become for the last years an election topic with major relevance on organizational studies and accepting peacefully the general idea that organizations are freeland for politics, all these acceptances run against a kind of “fear” from the academy scholars on approaching the political leaderships’ singularities on organizations. Indeed, when we cross over both phenomena we verify that the absence and weaknesses towards the unique characteristics of political leadership on work scenarios are becoming sharped regarding to their predictors, their workers and their organizations, even if we left aside its moderator variables.

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No centro desta reflexão teórica situa-se a conjuntura sociopolítica que fez (re)emergir o 1.º ciclo do ensino básico como “problema” de política educativa, ou seja, como terreno prioritário para o Estado, através do Governo, formular e executar um “modelo” de operacionalização da política de “Escola a Tempo Inteiro” (ETI). Analisamos esta política reportando-a a referenciais de representação de um “novo modelo educativo” (dimensão educativa), de um “novo paradigma de escola pública” (dimensão política) e de uma “nova conceção de administração da educação” (dimensão administrativa). O recurso ao quadro heurístico da “análise das políticas públicas” permite pôr em evidência as representações e a ação governativas. At the centre of this theoretical reflection is the socio-political conjuncture that (re)emerged the 1st. cycle of basic education as an education policy “problem”, that is to say, a priority ground to the State, through the Government, create and implement an operational “model” for “full-time school” policy. We analyse this policy by referring to the referential representation of a “new educational model” (educational dimension), a “new paradigm of public school” (political dimension) and a “new conception of educational administration” (administrative dimension). The use of the heuristic framework of “public policy analysis” allows us to highlight the representations and governmental action.

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A intervenção sobre a tuberculose no Rio de Janeiro, Brasil, revela atualmente uma intensificação e alargamento das articulações de pessoas, organizações e instituições envolvidas. Para compreender este processo, recorri ao mapeamento de arenas e mundos sociais. Os mundos sociais definem-se pela partilha de objetivos e de ações, constituindo unidades de ação coletiva. Para atingir os seus objetivos precisam de interagir com outros mundos sociais. Os espaços onde interagem sobre temas de comum interesse, mas sobre os quais têm perspetivas e até objetivos diferentes, denominam-se arenas. O estudo revelou que a arena da tuberculose no Rio de Janeiro se ampliou na última década, aumentando e diversificando os mundos sociais envolvidos, através do “trabalho político” de pessoas e organizações locais, nacionais e internacionais, isto é, através da atribuição de poder a determinadas instâncias com base na valorização ética de objetivos comuns. Este trabalho político tem vindo a implicar a interseção com as arenas do Sistema Único de Saúde e do VIH-Sida. A ampliação da arena da tuberculose redefine a própria doença e as formas de intervir sobre ela. Os apoios socioeconómicos para as/os pacientes, o tratamento de comorbidades, os direitos humanos, bem como outras questões que extravasam a perspetiva biomédica, integram agora as agendas da tuberculose. Neste processo, os intervenientes alargam também as fronteiras da ação na saúde.

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No centro desta reflexão teórica situa-se a conjuntura sociopolítica que fez (re)emergir o 1.º ciclo do ensino básico como “problema” de política educativa, ou seja, como terreno prioritário para o Estado, através do Governo, formular e executar um “modelo” de operacionalização da política de “Escola a Tempo Inteiro” (ETI). Analisamos esta política reportando-a a referenciais de representação de um “novo modelo educativo” (dimensão educativa), de um “novo paradigma de escola pública” (dimensão política) e de uma “nova conceção de administração da educação” (dimensão administrativa). O recurso ao quadro heurístico da “análise das políticas públicas” permite pôr em evidência as representações e a ação governativas.

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To mimic the online practices of citizens has been declared an imperative to improve communication and extend participation. This paper seeks to contribute to the understanding of how European discourses praising online video as a communication tool have been translated into actual practices by politicians, governments and organisations. By contrasting official documents with YouTube activity, it is argued that new opportunities for European political communication are far from being fully embraced, much akin to the early years of websites. The main choice has been to use YouTube channels fundamentally for distribution and archiving, thus neglecting its social media features. The disabling of comments by many heads of state and prime ministers - and, in 2010, the European Commission - indicates such an attitude. The few attempts made to foster citizen engagement, in particular during elections, have had limited success, given low participation numbers and lack of argument exchange.

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Artigo baseado na comunicação proferida no 7º Congresso SOPCOM: Comunicação Global, Cultura e Tecnologia, realizado na Faculdade de Letras da Universidade do Porto, Porto, Portugal, 15 -17 dezembro de 2011

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This paper suggests that the thought of the North-American critical theorist James W. Carey provides a relevant perspective on communication and technology. Having as background American social pragmatism and progressive thinkers of the beginning of the 20th century (as Dewey, Mead, Cooley, and Park), Carey built a perspective that brought together the political economy of Harold A. Innis, the social criticism of David Riesman and Charles W. Mills and incorporated Marxist topics such as commodification and sociocultural domination. The main goal of this paper is to explore the connection established by Carey between modern technological communication and what he called the “transmissive model”, a model which not only reduces the symbolic process of communication to instrumentalization and to information delivery, but also politically converges with capitalism as well as power, control and expansionist goals. Conceiving communication as a process that creates symbolic and cultural systems, in which and through which social life takes place, Carey gives equal emphasis to the incorporation processes of communication.If symbolic forms and culture are ways of conditioning action, they are also influenced by technological and economic materializations of symbolic systems, and by other conditioning structures. In Carey’s view, communication is never a disembodied force; rather, it is a set of practices in which co-exist conceptions, techniques and social relations. These practices configure reality or, alternatively, can refute, transform and celebrate it. Exhibiting sensitiveness favourable to the historical understanding of communication, media and information technologies, one of the issues Carey explored most was the history of the telegraph as an harbinger of the Internet, of its problems and contradictions. For Carey, Internet was seen as the contemporary heir of the communications revolution triggered by the prototype of transmission technologies, namely the telegraph in the 19th century. In the telegraph Carey saw the prototype of many subsequent commercial empires based on science and technology, a pioneer model for complex business management; an example of conflict of interest for the control over patents; an inducer of changes both in language and in structures of knowledge; and a promoter of a futurist and utopian thought of information technologies. After a brief approach to Carey’s communication theory, this paper focuses on his seminal essay "Technology and ideology. The case of the telegraph", bearing in mind the prospect of the communication revolution introduced by Internet. We maintain that this essay has seminal relevance for critically studying the information society. Our reading of it highlights the reach, as well as the problems, of an approach which conceives the innovation of the telegraph as a metaphor for all innovations, announcing the modern stage of history and determining to this day the major lines of development in modern communication systems.

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Workplace aggression is a factor that shapes the interaction between individuals and their work environment and produces many undesirable outcomes, sometimes introducing heavy costs for organizations. Only through a comprehensive understanding of the genesis of workplace aggression is possible to develop strategies and interventions to minimize its nefarious effects. The existent body of knowledge has already identified several individual, situational and contextual antecedents of workplace aggression, although this is a research area where significant gaps occur and many issues were still not addressed Dupré and Barling (2006). According to Baron and Neuman (1998) one of these predictors is organizational change, since certain changes in the work environment (e.g., changes in management) can lead to increased aggression. This paper intends to contribute to workplace aggression research by studying its relationship with organizational change, considering a moderating role of political behaviors and organizational cynicism (Ammeter et al., 2002, Ferris et al., 2002). The literature review suggests that mediators and moderators that intervene in the relationships between workplace aggression and its antecedents are understudied topics. James (2005) sustains that organizational politics is related to cynicism and the empirical research of Miranda (2008) has identified leadership political behavior as an antecedent of cynicism but these two variables were not yet investigated regarding their relationship with workplace aggression. This investigation was operationalized using several scales including the Organizational Change Questionnaire-climate of change, processes, and readiness (Bouckenooghe, Devos and Broeck, 2009), a Workplace Aggression Scale (Vicente and D’Oliveira, 2008, 2009, 2010), an Organizational Cynicism Scale (Wanous, Reichers and Austin, 1994) and a Political Behavior Questionnaire (Yukl and Falbe, 1990). Participants representing a wide variety of jobs across many organizations were surveyed. The results of the study and its implications will be presented and discussed. This study contribution is also discussed in what concerns organizational change practices in organizations.

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One of the main trends in workplace aggression research is studying its antecedents. But the literature also reveals that some predictors remain understudied, like organizational change [1]. Additionally, possible mediators of this relationship were not investigated. The main objective of this research is studding the mediating effect of the leader political behavior (soft and hard version) on the relationship between organizational change and workplace aggression. Participants representing a wide variety of jobs across many organizations were surveyed. The measures used in this research are an Organizational Change Questionnaire climate of change, processes, and readiness [2], a Workplace Aggression Scale [e.g. 3, 4] and a Political Behavior Questionnaire [5]. The results of the study and its theoretical and practical implications will be presented and discussed.

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The investigation which employed the action research method (qualitative analysis)was divided into four fases. In phases 1-3 the participants were six double bass students at Nossa Senhora do Cabo Music School. Pilot exercises in creativity were followed by broader and more ambitious projects. In phase 4 the techniques were tested and amplified during a summer course for twelve double bass students at Santa Cecilia College.

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Hydraulic systems are dynamically susceptible in the presence of entrapped air pockets, leading to amplified transient reactions. In order to model the dynamic action of an entrapped air pocket in a confined system, a heuristic mathematical formulation based on a conceptual analogy to a mechanical spring-damper system is proposed. The formulation is based on the polytropic relationship of an ideal gas and includes an additional term, which encompasses the combined damping effects associated with the thermodynamic deviations from the theoretical transformation, as well as those arising from the transient vorticity developed in both fluid domains (air and water). These effects represent the key factors that account for flow energy dissipation and pressure damping. Model validation was completed via numerical simulation of experimental measurements.

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Trabalho de Projecto submetido à Escola Superior de Teatro e Cinema para cumprimento dos requisitos necessários à obtenção do grau de Mestre em Teatro, especialização em Produção.

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The integrated numerical tool SWAMS (Simulation of Wave Action on Moored Ships) is used to simulate the behavior of a moored container carrier inside Sines’ Harbour. Wave, wind, currents, floating ship and moorings interaction is discussed. Several case scenarios are compared differing in the layout of the harbour and wind and wave conditions. The several harbour layouts correspond to proposed alternatives for the future expansion of Sines’ terminal XXI that include the extension of the East breakwater and of the quay. Additionally, the influence of wind on the behavior of the ship moored and the introduction of pre tensioning the mooring lines was analyzed. Hydrodynamic forces acting on the ship are determined using a modified version of the WAMIT model. This modified model utilizes the Haskind relations and the non-linear wave field inside the harbour obtained with finite element numerical model, BOUSS-WMH (Boussinesq Wave Model for Harbors) to get the wave forces on the ship. The time series of the moored ship motions and forces on moorings are obtained using BAS solver. © 2015 Taylor & Francis Group, London.