Looking the organization's "backstages": political leadership in health organizations

Although leadership investigation has become for the last years an election topic with major relevance on organizational studies and accepting peacefully the general idea that organizations are freeland for politics, all these acceptances run against a kind of “fear” from the academy scholars on approaching the political leaderships’ singularities on organizations. Indeed, when we cross over both phenomena we verify that the absence and weaknesses towards the unique characteristics of political leadership on work scenarios are becoming sharped regarding to their predictors, their workers and their organizations, even if we left aside its moderator variables.

Non-selective optical wavelength-division multiplexing devices based on a-SiC:H multilayer heterostuctures

In this paper we present results on the optimization of multilayered a-SiC:H heterostructures for wavelength-division (de) multiplexing applications. The non selective WDM device is a double heterostructure in a glass/ITO/a-SiC:H (p-i-n) /a-SiC:H(-p) /a-Si:H(-i')/a-SiC:H (-n')/ITO configuration. The single or the multiple modulated wavelength channels are passed through the device, and absorbed accordingly to its wavelength, giving rise to a time dependent wavelength electrical field modulation across it. The effect of single or multiple input signals is converted to an electrical signal to regain the information (wavelength, intensity and frequency) of the incoming photogenerated carriers. Here, the (de) multiplexing of the channels is accomplished electronically, not optically. This approach offers advantages in terms of cost since several channels share the same optical components; and the electrical components are typically less expensive than the optical ones. An electrical model gives insight into the device operation.

Stratification of the earth beneath the Azores from P and S receiver functions

Seismic recordings of IRIS/IDA/GSN station CMLA and of several temporary stations in the Azores archipelago are processed with P and S receiver function (PRF and SRF) techniques. Contrary to regional seismic tomography these methods provide estimates of the absolute velocities and of the Vp/Vs ratio up to a depth of similar to 300 km. Joint inversion of PRFs and SRFs for a few data sets consistently reveals a division of the subsurface medium into four zones with a distinctly different Vp/Vs ratio: the crust similar to 20 km thick with a ratio of similar to 1.9 in the lower crust, the high-Vs mantle lid with a strongly reduced VpNs velocity ratio relative to the standard 1.8, the low-velocity zone (LVZ) with a velocity ratio of similar to 2.0, and the underlying upper-mantle layer with a standard velocity ratio. Our estimates of crustal thickness greatly exceed previous estimates (similar to 10 km). The base of the high-Vs lid (the Gutenberg discontinuity) is at a depth of-SO km. The LVZ with a reduction of S velocity of similar to 15% relative to the standard (IASP91) model is terminated at a depth of similar to 200 km. The average thickness of the mantle transition zone (TZ) is evaluated from the time difference between the S410p and SKS660p, seismic phases that are robustly detected in the S and SKS receiver functions. This thickness is practically similar to the standard IASP91 value of 250 km. and is characteristic of a large region of the North Atlantic outside the Azores plateau. Our data are indicative of a reduction of the S-wave velocity of several percent relative to the standard velocity in a depth interval from 460 to 500 km. This reduction is found in the nearest vicinities of the Azores, in the region sampled by the PRFs, but, as evidenced by SRFs, it is missing at a distance of a few hundred kilometers from the islands. We speculate that this anomaly may correspond to the source of a plume which generated the Azores hotspot. Previously, a low S velocity in this depth range was found with SRF techniques beneath a few other hotspots.

Mob1: defining cell polarity for proper cell division

Mob1 is a component of both the mitotic exit network and Hippo pathway, being required for cytokinesis, control of cell proliferation and apoptosis. Cell division accuracy is crucial in maintaining cell ploidy and genomic stability and relies on the correct establishment of the cell division axis, which is under the control of the cell's environment and its intrinsic polarity. The ciliate Tetrahymena thermophila possesses a permanent anterior-posterior axis, left-right asymmetry and divides symmetrically. These unique features of Tetrahymena prompted us to investigate the role of Tetrahymena Mob1. Unexpectedly, we found that Mob1 accumulated in basal bodies at the posterior pole of the cell, and is the first molecular polarity marker so far described in Tetrahymena. In addition, Mob1 depletion caused the abnormal establishment of the cell division plane, providing clear evidence that Mob1 is important for its definition. Furthermore, cytokinesis was arrested and ciliogenesis delayed in Tetrahymena cells depleted of Mob1. This is the first evidence for an involvement of Mob1 in cilia biology. In conclusion, we show that Mob1 is an important cell polarity marker that is crucial for correct division plane placement, for cytokinesis completion and for normal cilia growth rates.

Joining the online video conversation? Discourse and practices of European political institutions and politicians on YouTube

To mimic the online practices of citizens has been declared an imperative to improve communication and extend participation. This paper seeks to contribute to the understanding of how European discourses praising online video as a communication tool have been translated into actual practices by politicians, governments and organisations. By contrasting official documents with YouTube activity, it is argued that new opportunities for European political communication are far from being fully embraced, much akin to the early years of websites. The main choice has been to use YouTube channels fundamentally for distribution and archiving, thus neglecting its social media features. The disabling of comments by many heads of state and prime ministers - and, in 2010, the European Commission - indicates such an attitude. The few attempts made to foster citizen engagement, in particular during elections, have had limited success, given low participation numbers and lack of argument exchange.

The Portuguese transition to democracy

On 25 April 1974 the Armed Forces Movement (MFA – Movimento das Forças Armadas) rose against the dictatorial regime that had governed Portugal for 48 years. This event was the beginning of a turbulent transition process that was to culminate in the approval of a new constitution in April 1976 and in the instauration of a Western style pluralist democracy. There are many political scientists and historians who note the original and unexpected nature of this transition; however, there are very many different interpretations with respect to the roles played by each of the actors in the process: the armed forces, the parties and political movements and the social forces/movements. The aim of this paper is to clarify this matter through an examination of the principal events of the revolution.

The Dark Side of Organizational Change: The Moderating Role of Political Behavior and Organizational Cynicism

Workplace aggression is a factor that shapes the interaction between individuals and their work environment and produces many undesirable outcomes, sometimes introducing heavy costs for organizations. Only through a comprehensive understanding of the genesis of workplace aggression is possible to develop strategies and interventions to minimize its nefarious effects. The existent body of knowledge has already identified several individual, situational and contextual antecedents of workplace aggression, although this is a research area where significant gaps occur and many issues were still not addressed Dupré and Barling (2006). According to Baron and Neuman (1998) one of these predictors is organizational change, since certain changes in the work environment (e.g., changes in management) can lead to increased aggression. This paper intends to contribute to workplace aggression research by studying its relationship with organizational change, considering a moderating role of political behaviors and organizational cynicism (Ammeter et al., 2002, Ferris et al., 2002). The literature review suggests that mediators and moderators that intervene in the relationships between workplace aggression and its antecedents are understudied topics. James (2005) sustains that organizational politics is related to cynicism and the empirical research of Miranda (2008) has identified leadership political behavior as an antecedent of cynicism but these two variables were not yet investigated regarding their relationship with workplace aggression. This investigation was operationalized using several scales including the Organizational Change Questionnaire-climate of change, processes, and readiness (Bouckenooghe, Devos and Broeck, 2009), a Workplace Aggression Scale (Vicente and D’Oliveira, 2008, 2009, 2010), an Organizational Cynicism Scale (Wanous, Reichers and Austin, 1994) and a Political Behavior Questionnaire (Yukl and Falbe, 1990). Participants representing a wide variety of jobs across many organizations were surveyed. The results of the study and its implications will be presented and discussed. This study contribution is also discussed in what concerns organizational change practices in organizations.

Workplace aggression in organizational changing processes: The mediation role of leader political (soft and hard) behavior

One of the main trends in workplace aggression research is studying its antecedents. But the literature also reveals that some predictors remain understudied, like organizational change [1]. Additionally, possible mediators of this relationship were not investigated. The main objective of this research is studding the mediating effect of the leader political behavior (soft and hard version) on the relationship between organizational change and workplace aggression. Participants representing a wide variety of jobs across many organizations were surveyed. The measures used in this research are an Organizational Change Questionnaire climate of change, processes, and readiness [2], a Workplace Aggression Scale [e.g. 3, 4] and a Political Behavior Questionnaire [5]. The results of the study and its theoretical and practical implications will be presented and discussed.