Language, discourse and politics

After discussing the meaning of the word politics, this paper shows that there are four possible approaches to the issue of the relationships between language, discourse and politics: a) the intrinsic political nature of language; b) the relations of power between discourses and their political dimension; c) the relations of power between languages and the political dimension of their usage and; d) linguistic policies. This paper addresses only the first two of these items. Languages have an intrinsically political nature because they subject their speakers to their order. The acts of silencing operationalized in discourse manifest a relation of power. The spread of discourses in the social space is also subject to the order of power. The use of language may be the space of pertinence, but is also that of exclusion, separation and even the elimination of the other. Therefore, language is not a neutral communication tool, but it is permeated by politics, by power. Because of the dislocations that it produces, literature is a form of swindling language, unveiling the powers that are imprinted on it.

Sweeping democracy: considerations on the political relations between Janio Quadros and the National Congress

This article examines the relation between President Janio Quadros and the National Congress during the early 1960`s. Based on the analysis of the discourse of these figures, it proposes that Quadros maneuvered to diminish the legitimacy of the Congress in the public opinion, thus disrespecting its constitutional competencies. Consequently, it shows that not only did the Congress structure political mechanisms in an attempt to recover its credibility with society, but also that this dispute and its results had important effects on President Joao Goulart`s administration and even on the 1964 military coup.

Entre a frieza, o cálculo e a "vida loka": violência e sofrimento no trajeto de um adolescente em cumprimento de medida socioeducativa

O conceito de sofrimento social caracteriza-se pela compreensão das situações de aflição e dor como experiências sociais e não como problemas individuais. Este trabalho analisa a natureza social e política do sofrimento de um adolescente em cumprimento de medida socioeducativa. Inspirado na abordagem de Veena Das, o artigo se apóia em "carne" e discurso para problematizar a relação entre cidadania e segmentos juvenis discriminados, que se manifesta nas ambiguidades das práticas institucionais presentes no fluxo de execução de medidas socioeducativas. O artigo analisa as contradições entre o objetivo institucional de evitar a reincidência de atos infracionais, auxiliando o adolescente a tornar-se um cidadão autônomo, e as narrativas e expressões corporais dos adolescentes durante o cumprimento das medidas. A trajetória aqui descrita leva ao reconhecimento de que o trânsito da medida de internação para as medidas em meio aberto se dá sob a tensão entre o discurso institucional de reorganizar a vida escolar, familiar e comunitária e a experiência cotidiana dos adolescentes, que segue marcada pela constante ameaça policial e pela privação de acessos a bens públicos. O cumprimento de medidas socioeducativas acaba por reforçar entre os adolescentes a aflição de serem socialmente tidos como suspeitos e fugitivos e, consequentemente, a incorporação de um lugar social particular, o de membro do "mundo do crime". O desempenho na vida cotidiana de um "estilo bandido" revela formas de resposta ao discurso dominante no sistema socioeducativo, contexto que indica o paradoxo do Estado brasileiro, que garante uma democracia formal enquanto viola direitos civis.

Organized Crime and Terrorism: From the Cells Towards Political Communication, A Case Study

During the first half of 2006 the city of Sao Paulo suffered three series of violent attacks against the security forces, civilians, and the government. The violent campaign also included a massive rebellion in prisons and culminated in the kidnapping of a journalist and the broadcast of a manifesto from the criminal organization PCC threatening the police and the government. Right after, the main device used to contain organized crime in the prisons was declared unconstitutional. This episode represents a prototypical example of the use of media-focused terrorism by organized crime for projection into the political communication arena.

Political Systems and the Perspective on Nursing Education during the Spanish Transition (from the Franco Regime to Democracy). A Contribution based on Nursing History

The aim of this study is to describe the changes in nursing education during the process prior to and after the establishment of democracy in Spain. It begins with the hypothesis that differences in social and political organization influenced the way the system of nursing education evolved, keeping it in line with neopositivistic schemes and exclusively technical approaches up until the advent of democracy. The evolution of a specific profile for nursing within the educational system has been shaped by the relationship between the systems of social and political organization in Spain. To examine the insertion of subjects such as the anthropology of healthcare into education programs for Spanish nursing, one must consider the cultural, intercultural and transcultural factors that are key to understanding the changes in nursing education that allowed for the adoption of a holistic approach in the curricula. Until the arrival of democracy in 1977, Spanish nursing education was solely technical in nature and the role of nurses was limited to the tasks and procedures defined by the bureaucratic thinking characteristic of the rational-technological paradigm. Consequently, during the long period prior to democracy, nursing in Spain was under the influence of neopositivistic and technical thinking, which had its effect on educational curricula. The addition of humanities and anthropology to the curricula, which facilitated a holistic approach, occurred once nursing became a field of study at the university level in 1977, a period that coincided with the beginnings of democracy in Spain.

Beauty, Class and Discourse: Issues in Debate

In this text we proceed through a brief review of Naomi Lee`s (2009) article, highlighting her significant contributions to social and cultural psychology. In our dialogue with her text we inquire about some arguments and methodological procedures she presents. We raise some specific questions related to how the issue of beauty is framed, and we ponder on how a broadening of the scope to include history-of ideas, of relations-would bring some important elements to her approach. As Lee relates beauty and class, we examine the nuanced meanings of lack and deficiency in her analytical work. We also discuss her assumptions and position concerning discourse and dialogue which mark her ways of proceeding through the analysis of the interviews. We speculate that the depersonalized answer appointed in the interviewees` discourse can be related to a way of considering beauty as disembodied.

Accumulation and Gaps in the Research on Argentine Rock

Based on a comprehensive study in research centers and libraries, a panorama of the critical response to Argentine rock in academic circles has been traced in various fields of knowledge. Research works including books, trade magazines, and academic papers on this musical movement spanning four decades have been consulted. The results show that the criticism has generated a ""developing tradition"" around the movement, mainly in the Social and Communication Sciences, and it has presented the following predominant traits: approaching rock essentially as a determinant of ""social identities""; periodization in the genre according to political regime: and analysis of the lyrics based solely on content. These traits contribute to a delimitation of rock as an exclusive phenomenon of the mass media, which relegates to secondary importance its aesthetic function and its relationship with other artistic series. Furthermore, we have observed a scarcity of approaches to rock lyrics as a linguistic-discursive surface.

Political Parties and Governors as Determinants of Legislative Behavior in Brazil`s Chamber of Deputies, 1988-2006

This article examines the relative importance of regional and national forces in shaping the behavior of Brazilian legislators at the national level. A widely held view is that national legislators respond to state pressures in making decisions, rather than pressures from the national government. Governors not only can influence national debates but also can determine outcomes by exerting control over their states` legislative delegations. This article examines a dataset of all roll-call votes in the Chamber of Deputies between 1989 and 2006 to isolate and evaluate the impact of local pressures on legislative voting. Spanning the terms of five presidents and five different congresses, the data show that the local influence is weaker than the national on the voting decisions of individual legislators and the voting cohesion of state delegations. Alternative institutional resources allow the central government to counteract the centrifugal pressures of federalism and other institutional influences.

RACE, RESOURCES, AND POLITICAL PARTICIPATION IN A BRAZILIAN CITY

Does race influence political behavior in Brazil? Using data from Belo Horizonte, Brazil, we explore whether an individual`s propensity to take part in a political association is affected by race, independent of socioeconomic position and of the availability of resources derived from this position. We found that white individuals participate more in political associations than do black individuals; however, after taking into account the differences in all types of resources, we found no difference in participation by racial groups. Nevertheless, by interacting race, skills, and income, it turns out that different racial groups use the same resources differently. A white individual`s propensity to participate politically is significantly more affected by income than a similar black individual`s propensity. Therefore, we argue that race mediates the effect of resources on political participation, which means that either different groups may use different resources or different groups can differ in how intensively they use resources.

Letters that construct limits: intellectual and political projects in the letters of Capistrano de Abreu to Barao do Rio Branco (1886-1903)

The intention of this paper is to analyze the letters from Capistrano de Abreu to Barao do Rio Branco in the years between 1886 and 1903. The focus will be given to the divergences around the notion of territorial formation, a basic concept for these authors who were thinking about the construction of a historical narrative at the end of the 19(th) and beginning of the 20(th) century. Later, the question is the construction of the craft of the historian in the letters of Capistrano de Abreu and his distinction and proximity to the ideas of the Barao do Rio Branco.