10 resultados para Political agency

em Biblioteca Digital da Produção Intelectual da Universidade de São Paulo (BDPI/USP)


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In this article, we present the results of ethnographic research undertaken in areas with concentrated recreational venues frequented by diverse youth groups in the city of Sao Paulo, Brazil. This material is part of the larger ""Relationships between race, gender and sexuality in different national and local contexts"" research initiative. Here, we focus upon data collected through ethnographic observation and interviews conducted in various locales where young men meet to engage in homoerotic sociability, demonstrating different degrees of conviviality among groups of different socioeconomic profiles and distinct esthetic preferences, consumer habits, and body types. We explore the production of styles and body presentations that link markers of color/race, gender, and sexuality, as well as the relationships that these maintain with opening or restricting possibilities for the establishment of erotic and affective partnerships involving these boys.

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Neste artigo, examina-se o funcionamento do Centro de Informações do Exterior (CIEX), órgão do Itamaraty e vinculado ao Serviço Nacional de Informações (SNI) que foi encarregado de espionar políticos e militantes contrários ao regime militar brasileiro que se exilaram nos países vizinhos. Trata-se de um estudo que visa a desvendar como agia um dos elos do sistema repressivo montado pela ditadura brasileira, que tinha um relativo grau de interação com as outras ditaduras militares da região do Cone Sul. O artigo demonstra que o Itamaraty colaborou intensamente com o regime militar brasileiro, inclusive com a repressão.

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During the first half of 2006 the city of Sao Paulo suffered three series of violent attacks against the security forces, civilians, and the government. The violent campaign also included a massive rebellion in prisons and culminated in the kidnapping of a journalist and the broadcast of a manifesto from the criminal organization PCC threatening the police and the government. Right after, the main device used to contain organized crime in the prisons was declared unconstitutional. This episode represents a prototypical example of the use of media-focused terrorism by organized crime for projection into the political communication arena.

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The aim of this study is to describe the changes in nursing education during the process prior to and after the establishment of democracy in Spain. It begins with the hypothesis that differences in social and political organization influenced the way the system of nursing education evolved, keeping it in line with neopositivistic schemes and exclusively technical approaches up until the advent of democracy. The evolution of a specific profile for nursing within the educational system has been shaped by the relationship between the systems of social and political organization in Spain. To examine the insertion of subjects such as the anthropology of healthcare into education programs for Spanish nursing, one must consider the cultural, intercultural and transcultural factors that are key to understanding the changes in nursing education that allowed for the adoption of a holistic approach in the curricula. Until the arrival of democracy in 1977, Spanish nursing education was solely technical in nature and the role of nurses was limited to the tasks and procedures defined by the bureaucratic thinking characteristic of the rational-technological paradigm. Consequently, during the long period prior to democracy, nursing in Spain was under the influence of neopositivistic and technical thinking, which had its effect on educational curricula. The addition of humanities and anthropology to the curricula, which facilitated a holistic approach, occurred once nursing became a field of study at the university level in 1977, a period that coincided with the beginnings of democracy in Spain.

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How does knowledge management (KM) by a government agency responsible for environmental impact assessment (EIA) potentially contribute to better environmental assessment and management practice? Staff members at government agencies in charge of the EIA process are knowledge workers who perform judgement-oriented tasks highly reliant on individual expertise, but also grounded on the agency`s knowledge accumulated over the years. Part of an agency`s knowledge can be codified and stored in an organizational memory, but is subject to decay or loss if not properly managed. The EIA agency operating in Western Australia was used as a case study. Its KM initiatives were reviewed, knowledge repositories were identified and staff surveyed to gauge the utilisation and effectiveness of such repositories in enabling them to perform EIA tasks. Key elements of KM are the preparation of substantive guidance and spatial information management. It was found that treatment of cumulative impacts on the environment is very limited and information derived from project follow-up is not properly captured and stored, thus not used to create new knowledge and to improve practice and effectiveness. Other opportunities for improving organizational learning include the use of after-action reviews. The learning about knowledge management in EIA practice gained from Western Australian experience should be of value to agencies worldwide seeking to understand where best to direct their resources for their own knowledge repositories and environmental management practice. (C) 2011 Elsevier Ltd. All rights reserved.

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This article examines the relative importance of regional and national forces in shaping the behavior of Brazilian legislators at the national level. A widely held view is that national legislators respond to state pressures in making decisions, rather than pressures from the national government. Governors not only can influence national debates but also can determine outcomes by exerting control over their states` legislative delegations. This article examines a dataset of all roll-call votes in the Chamber of Deputies between 1989 and 2006 to isolate and evaluate the impact of local pressures on legislative voting. Spanning the terms of five presidents and five different congresses, the data show that the local influence is weaker than the national on the voting decisions of individual legislators and the voting cohesion of state delegations. Alternative institutional resources allow the central government to counteract the centrifugal pressures of federalism and other institutional influences.

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This article examines the relation between President Janio Quadros and the National Congress during the early 1960`s. Based on the analysis of the discourse of these figures, it proposes that Quadros maneuvered to diminish the legitimacy of the Congress in the public opinion, thus disrespecting its constitutional competencies. Consequently, it shows that not only did the Congress structure political mechanisms in an attempt to recover its credibility with society, but also that this dispute and its results had important effects on President Joao Goulart`s administration and even on the 1964 military coup.

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Does race influence political behavior in Brazil? Using data from Belo Horizonte, Brazil, we explore whether an individual`s propensity to take part in a political association is affected by race, independent of socioeconomic position and of the availability of resources derived from this position. We found that white individuals participate more in political associations than do black individuals; however, after taking into account the differences in all types of resources, we found no difference in participation by racial groups. Nevertheless, by interacting race, skills, and income, it turns out that different racial groups use the same resources differently. A white individual`s propensity to participate politically is significantly more affected by income than a similar black individual`s propensity. Therefore, we argue that race mediates the effect of resources on political participation, which means that either different groups may use different resources or different groups can differ in how intensively they use resources.

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This article considers the impact of electoral quotas for women. Most studies have either focused on whether particular policies increase the numbers of women elected or assessed the extent to which a greater number of women in the legislature produces more gender-sensitive legislation. However, little attention has been paid to the cultural changes that can result from adopting gender quotas. This article argues that, although increasing the number of women in legislatures may improve the attention to gender issues, broader processes are involved. Latin American women`s activism and alliances have been critical in ensuring the expansion of women`s rights and increasing the number of women elected. Quotas, and the debate surrounding their adoption, have provided an incentive for women`s collective action and fostered the politicization of gender issues. An analysis of the impact of quotas, therefore, must recognize these broader impacts.

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The intention of this paper is to analyze the letters from Capistrano de Abreu to Barao do Rio Branco in the years between 1886 and 1903. The focus will be given to the divergences around the notion of territorial formation, a basic concept for these authors who were thinking about the construction of a historical narrative at the end of the 19(th) and beginning of the 20(th) century. Later, the question is the construction of the craft of the historian in the letters of Capistrano de Abreu and his distinction and proximity to the ideas of the Barao do Rio Branco.