4 resultados para Legislación electoral

em Biblioteca Digital da Produção Intelectual da Universidade de São Paulo (BDPI/USP)


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O artigo visa analisar a concentração de fluoreto na água para consumo humano, considerando o balanço entre benefícios e riscos à saúde, e produzir subsídios para atualização da legislação brasileira. Estudos de revisão sistemática, documentos oficiais e dados meteorológicos foram examinados. As temperaturas nas capitais brasileiras indicam que o fluoreto deveria variar de 0,6 a 0,9 mg/L para prevenir cárie dentária. Concentração de fluoreto natural de 1,5 mg/L é tolerável para consumo no Brasil se não houver tecnologia de custo-benefício aceitável para ajuste/remoção do seu excesso. A ingestão diária de água com fluoreto em concentração > 0,9 mg/L representa risco à dentição em menores de oito anos de idade e os consumidores deveriam ser expressamente informados desse risco. Considerando a expansão do programa nacional de fluoretação da água para regiões de clima tipicamente tropical, deve-se revisar a Portaria 635/75, relacionada ao fluoreto adicionado às águas de abastecimento público.

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This article analyzes the Brazilian political system from the local perspective. Following Cox (1997), we review the problems with electoral coordination that emerge from a given institutional framework. Due to the characteristics of the Brazilian Federal system and its electoral rules, linkage between the three levels of government is not guaranteed a priori, but demands a coordinating effort by the parties' leadership. According to our hypothesis, the parties are capable of coordinating their election strategies at different levels in the party system. Regression models based on two-stage least squares (2SLS) and TOBIT, analyzing a panel of Brazilian municipalities with data from the 1994 and 2000 elections, show that the proportion of votes received by a party in a given election correlates closely with its previous votes in majoritarian elections. Despite institutional incentives, the Brazilian party system shows evidence that it is organized nationally to the extent that it links the competition for votes at the three levels of government (National, State, and Municipal).

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This article considers the impact of electoral quotas for women. Most studies have either focused on whether particular policies increase the numbers of women elected or assessed the extent to which a greater number of women in the legislature produces more gender-sensitive legislation. However, little attention has been paid to the cultural changes that can result from adopting gender quotas. This article argues that, although increasing the number of women in legislatures may improve the attention to gender issues, broader processes are involved. Latin American women`s activism and alliances have been critical in ensuring the expansion of women`s rights and increasing the number of women elected. Quotas, and the debate surrounding their adoption, have provided an incentive for women`s collective action and fostered the politicization of gender issues. An analysis of the impact of quotas, therefore, must recognize these broader impacts.

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The Strength of Weak Parties The aim of this article is to fill some gaps in research on the Brazilian electoral arena. The current literature, by neglecting the study of party organization, ends up overlooking fundamental questions for understanding how the electoral process works. This study addressed two questions: How do Brazilian parties work? What is the impact of party organization on a party`s decision to launch or withhold a candidate in a given election? We intend to show that the parties have more life than many studies on our political system tend to show. This partisan life helps understand one of the central aspects of the electoral arena, that is, how pre-election coordination occurs.