10 resultados para Koopmans, Tim: Courts and political institutions : a comparative view

em Biblioteca Digital da Produção Intelectual da Universidade de São Paulo (BDPI/USP)


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Er:YAG laser has been studied as a potential tool for restorative dentistry due to its ability to selectively remove oral hard tissue with minimal or no thermal damage to the surrounding tissues. The purpose of this study was to evaluate in vitro the tensile bond strength (TBS) of an adhesive/composite resin system to human enamel surfaces treated with 37% phosphoric acid, Er:YAG laser (lambda=2.94 mum) with a total energy of 16 J (80 mJ/pulse, 2Hz, 200 pulses, 250 ms pulse width), and Er:YAG laser followed by phosphoric acid etching. Analysis of the treated surfaces was performed by scanning electron microscopy (SEM) to assess morphological differences among the groups. TBS means (in MPa) were as follows: Er:YAG laser + acid (11.7 MPa) > acid (8.2 MPa) > Er:YAG laser (6.1 MPa), with the group treated with laser+acid being significantly from the other groups (p=0.0006 and p= 0.00019, respectively). The groups treated with acid alone and laser alone were significantly different from each other (p=0.0003). The SEM analysis revealed morphological changes that corroborate the TBS results, suggesting that the differences in TBS means among the groups are related to the different etching patterns produced by each type of surface treatment. The findings of this study indicate that the association between Er:YAG laser and phosphoric acid can be used as a valuable resource to increase bond strength to laser-prepared enamel.

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Does race influence political behavior in Brazil? Using data from Belo Horizonte, Brazil, we explore whether an individual`s propensity to take part in a political association is affected by race, independent of socioeconomic position and of the availability of resources derived from this position. We found that white individuals participate more in political associations than do black individuals; however, after taking into account the differences in all types of resources, we found no difference in participation by racial groups. Nevertheless, by interacting race, skills, and income, it turns out that different racial groups use the same resources differently. A white individual`s propensity to participate politically is significantly more affected by income than a similar black individual`s propensity. Therefore, we argue that race mediates the effect of resources on political participation, which means that either different groups may use different resources or different groups can differ in how intensively they use resources.

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The intention of this paper is to analyze the letters from Capistrano de Abreu to Barao do Rio Branco in the years between 1886 and 1903. The focus will be given to the divergences around the notion of territorial formation, a basic concept for these authors who were thinking about the construction of a historical narrative at the end of the 19(th) and beginning of the 20(th) century. Later, the question is the construction of the craft of the historian in the letters of Capistrano de Abreu and his distinction and proximity to the ideas of the Barao do Rio Branco.

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Background: Xerostomia is a symptom that can be triggered by chronic diseases such as Sjogren`s syndrome (SS) and lupus erythematosus (LE). Many authors regard most cases of salivary hypofunction in LE to secondary SS. Others believe that salivary changes in patients with LE might reflect a multisystem presentation of the disease. The present study compared histopathological and direct immunofluorescence (DIF) alterations in salivary glands of patients with xerostomia and diagnosis of LE or SS. Methods: Twenty-eight salivary gland biopsies from patients with xerostomia and diagnosed with LE or SS were submitted to histopathological and DIF exams. Results: From the 28 patients, 16 had SS and 12 had LE. In SS, a moderate to intense sialadenitis was detected, with infiltration and destruction of excretory salivary ducts. In LE, mild/moderate sialadenitis with thickening and hyalinization of the ductal basement membrane was observed. DIF revealed that 50% of SS patients presented intercellular ductal IgA deposits, whereas 58% of LE patients showed deposits of IgG in the ductal basement membrane. Conclusions: Alterations in salivary glands of LE patients may be a specific manifestation of the disease (lupus sialadenitis), reflecting its multisystemic presentation, instead of an association of secondary SS and LE.

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Adrenocortical tumors (ACT) are rare neoplasms of the adrenal glands accounting for 0.2% of all pediatric cancers. However, the incidence of ACT in South Brazilian children is 10 to 15 times greater than the worldwide incidence. Comparative genomic hybridization studies have revealed the presence of a high degree of chromosomal instability in ACT. We evaluated 16 ACT, 8 of them carcinomas and 8 adenomas. The presence of changes in DNA copy numbers was determined by comparative genomic hybridization, and the findings were validated by real-time polymerase chain reaction on the basis of IGF-II gene expression. The adenomas showed a mean of 19.7 imbalances per case, with the most frequent gain and loss being 4p15.1-p15.3 and 20p11.2-p13.2, respectively. The carcinomas presented with a mean of 35.5 imbalances per case, with the more frequent gain being 2q14.1-q24.3 and the more frequent losses being 3q21-q26.2, 20q12-qter, and 22q11.2-q13.3. The most frequent imbalances in both adenomas and carcinomas were gains of 1p21-p31.2, 2p12-p21 and loss of 20p11.2-p12. The expression of IGF-II mRNA (11p15.5) was higher in samples that presented with a gain of this region. It has been established that great genomic instability exists in pediatric ACT.

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During the first half of 2006 the city of Sao Paulo suffered three series of violent attacks against the security forces, civilians, and the government. The violent campaign also included a massive rebellion in prisons and culminated in the kidnapping of a journalist and the broadcast of a manifesto from the criminal organization PCC threatening the police and the government. Right after, the main device used to contain organized crime in the prisons was declared unconstitutional. This episode represents a prototypical example of the use of media-focused terrorism by organized crime for projection into the political communication arena.

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The aim of this study is to describe the changes in nursing education during the process prior to and after the establishment of democracy in Spain. It begins with the hypothesis that differences in social and political organization influenced the way the system of nursing education evolved, keeping it in line with neopositivistic schemes and exclusively technical approaches up until the advent of democracy. The evolution of a specific profile for nursing within the educational system has been shaped by the relationship between the systems of social and political organization in Spain. To examine the insertion of subjects such as the anthropology of healthcare into education programs for Spanish nursing, one must consider the cultural, intercultural and transcultural factors that are key to understanding the changes in nursing education that allowed for the adoption of a holistic approach in the curricula. Until the arrival of democracy in 1977, Spanish nursing education was solely technical in nature and the role of nurses was limited to the tasks and procedures defined by the bureaucratic thinking characteristic of the rational-technological paradigm. Consequently, during the long period prior to democracy, nursing in Spain was under the influence of neopositivistic and technical thinking, which had its effect on educational curricula. The addition of humanities and anthropology to the curricula, which facilitated a holistic approach, occurred once nursing became a field of study at the university level in 1977, a period that coincided with the beginnings of democracy in Spain.

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Concern about the growing demand of food and fuel has focused the attention on countries with conditions to provide for global requirements. Also, the build-up of an environmental awareness has compelled several governments to implement programs for the addition of biofuels to oil derivatives. Considering their relevance as world and South American producers, this study makes a characterization of the sucro-energetic sectors of Brazil and Colombia, based on a view of agro-industrial systems, industrial organization and transaction cost economy. The approach followed considered of a secondary information survey and in-depth interviews. The main differences found are centered on institutional development level and production volumes. However, the use of the same raw material, sugarcane, trade opening policies, cultural approaches and regional integration, are factors that could generate links of commercial exchange and technological cooperation between the two countries.

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For the past half a century, Latin American scholars have been pointing toward the emergence of new social actors as agents of social and political democratization. The first wave of actors was characterized by the emergence of novel agents-mainly, new popular movements-of social transformation. At first, the second wave, epitomized by nongovernmental organizations (NGOs), was celebrated as the upsurge of a new civil society, but later on, it was the target of harsh criticism. The literature often portrays this development in Latin American civil society as a displacement trend of actors of the first wave by the second wave-""NGOization""-""and even denounces new civil society as rootless, depoliticized, and functional to retrenchment. Thus, supposedly, NGOization encumbers social change. The authors argue that NGOization diagnosis is a flawed depiction of change within civil society. Rather than NGOization related to the depoliticization and neoliberalization of civil society, in Mexico City and Sao Paulo, there has been modernization of organizational ecologies, changes in the functional status of civil society, and interestingly, specialization aimed at shaping public agenda. The authors argue that such specialization, instead of encumbering social change, brings about different repertoires of strategies and skills purposively developed for influencing policy and politics. Their argument relies on comparative systematic evidence. Through network analysis, they examine the organizational ecology of civil society in Mexico City and Sao Paulo.

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The past decade has brought an unprecedented boom in the study of courts as political actors in Latin America. We examine the extraordinary diversity of academic research on judicial politics in the region, identifying the key questions, findings, and theoretical debates in the literature, highlighting important conceptual disjunctions, and critiquing the research methods scholars of judicial politics in Latin America have employed in their work. We close by suggesting new avenues of inquiry to help advance the collective effort to understand the roles courts play in Latin American politics.