8 resultados para Australian politics

em Biblioteca Digital da Produção Intelectual da Universidade de São Paulo (BDPI/USP)


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There is evidence that cognitions (beliefs) and mood contribute to physical disability and work status in people with chronic pain. However, most of the current evidence comes from North America and Europe. This study examined the contribution of demographic, pain and psychosocial factors to disability and work status in chronic pain patients in two matched samples from quite different countries (Australia and Brazil). Data were collected from 311 chronic pain patients in each country. The results suggest that although demographic and pain variables (especially pain levels) contribute disability, self-efficacy beliefs made a significant contribution to disability in both samples. Age and educational level also contributed to unemployment in both samples. But there were some differences, with self-efficacy and physical disability contributing to work status only in the Brazilian sample. In contrast, depression was the only psychological risk factor for unemployment in the Australian sample. Catastrophising and pain acceptance did not contribute to disability or unemployment in either sample. These findings confirm key aspects of biopsychosocial models of pain in two culturally and linguistically different chronic pain samples from different countries. They suggest that different chronic pain populations may share more similarities than differences. (C) 2008 European Federation of Chapters of the International Association for the Study of Pain. Published

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How does knowledge management (KM) by a government agency responsible for environmental impact assessment (EIA) potentially contribute to better environmental assessment and management practice? Staff members at government agencies in charge of the EIA process are knowledge workers who perform judgement-oriented tasks highly reliant on individual expertise, but also grounded on the agency`s knowledge accumulated over the years. Part of an agency`s knowledge can be codified and stored in an organizational memory, but is subject to decay or loss if not properly managed. The EIA agency operating in Western Australia was used as a case study. Its KM initiatives were reviewed, knowledge repositories were identified and staff surveyed to gauge the utilisation and effectiveness of such repositories in enabling them to perform EIA tasks. Key elements of KM are the preparation of substantive guidance and spatial information management. It was found that treatment of cumulative impacts on the environment is very limited and information derived from project follow-up is not properly captured and stored, thus not used to create new knowledge and to improve practice and effectiveness. Other opportunities for improving organizational learning include the use of after-action reviews. The learning about knowledge management in EIA practice gained from Western Australian experience should be of value to agencies worldwide seeking to understand where best to direct their resources for their own knowledge repositories and environmental management practice. (C) 2011 Elsevier Ltd. All rights reserved.

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In 1966 the Brazilian physicist Klaus Tausk (b. 1927) circulated a preprint from the International Centre for Theoretical Physics in Trieste, Italy, criticizing Adriana Daneri, Angelo Loinger, and Giovanni Maria Prosperi`s theory of 1962 on the measurement problem in quantum mechanics. A heated controversy ensued between two opposing camps within the orthodox interpretation of quantum theory, represented by Leon Rosenfeld and Eugene P. Wigner. The controversy went well beyond the strictly scientific issues, however, reflecting philosophical and political commitments within the context of the Cold War, the relationship between science in developed and Third World countries, the importance of social skills, and personal idiosyncrasies.

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The first presentation of Antoine-Marin Le Mierre`s tragedy Malabar Widow, or the Empire of Customs, took place in 1770. It was based on the famous controversy over the Malabar (south west India) Rites. The object of the controversy was the Jesuit project in India, which started in the beginning of XVII century and was stopped by the Pope Benedict XIV, with the Apostolic Constitution Omnium Sollicitudinum. The papal condemnation of the rites closed a long process which shows the progressive loss of power of the Jesuit Company in the Age of Enlightenment, which will be definitive in 1773, with the suppression of the Company. In Le Mierre`s tragedy, we find the judgment of Malabar rites according to the rationalist ideas of the Enlightenment, with some typical topoi of the philosophes`s cultural perspective. At the same time, the enlightened disputation reproduces the Jesuit internal debate about India itself. Starting from a religious universal perspective of the different strategies of Christianization in India, or in the entire East, the missionary controversy had been about the religious or political interpretation of local signs. Briefly, this polemic would turn into the controversy on the rites. The criticism to the Jesuitical strategy of mission, in XVII and XVIII centuries, would start from here. The enormous number of documents on this issue became a powerful instrument in the battle against the Jesuits, in the XVIII century. On the base of the missionary disputation, the Enlightenment constructs the proposal of a new political and humanistic universal perspective. According to this, eventuality, the religion becomes just a privileged instrument to realize this operation.

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After discussing the meaning of the word politics, this paper shows that there are four possible approaches to the issue of the relationships between language, discourse and politics: a) the intrinsic political nature of language; b) the relations of power between discourses and their political dimension; c) the relations of power between languages and the political dimension of their usage and; d) linguistic policies. This paper addresses only the first two of these items. Languages have an intrinsically political nature because they subject their speakers to their order. The acts of silencing operationalized in discourse manifest a relation of power. The spread of discourses in the social space is also subject to the order of power. The use of language may be the space of pertinence, but is also that of exclusion, separation and even the elimination of the other. Therefore, language is not a neutral communication tool, but it is permeated by politics, by power. Because of the dislocations that it produces, literature is a form of swindling language, unveiling the powers that are imprinted on it.

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Little attention has been given to the contextual politics of service delivery reforms. By focusing on cases of reform in the healthcare sector and, to a lesser extent, in the main policies in the social service sector in India, Mexico and Brazil, this article explores two dimensions of analysis which have enormous relevance in understanding the reach and effectiveness of service delivery reforms: (1) the historical timing of reforms and sectorial baselines, and (2) the degree and institutional locus of local discretion in policy. Findings show that depending on both dimensions, there is an extraordinary variation as to the degree, interests involved and meaning of changes which, in theory, correspond to these countries` commitment to the service delivery reforms, However, consideration of the contextual politics is relevant not for the sake of diversity but for the similarities that this diversity reveals, pointing to underlying analytic dimensions that receive attention in this article.

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The past decade has brought an unprecedented boom in the study of courts as political actors in Latin America. We examine the extraordinary diversity of academic research on judicial politics in the region, identifying the key questions, findings, and theoretical debates in the literature, highlighting important conceptual disjunctions, and critiquing the research methods scholars of judicial politics in Latin America have employed in their work. We close by suggesting new avenues of inquiry to help advance the collective effort to understand the roles courts play in Latin American politics.