Explaining party cohesion and discipline in democratic legislatures: purposiveness and contexts

Legislative party discipline and cohesion are important phenomena in the study of political systems. Unless assumptions are made that parties are cohesive and act as unified collectivities with reasonably well-defined goals, it is really difficult, if not impossible, to consider their electoral and legislative roles usefully. But levels of legislative party cohesiveness are also important because they provide us with crucial information about how legislatures/ parliaments function and how they interact with executives/governments. Without cohesive (or disciplined) parties,1 government survival in parliamentary systems is threatened because executive and legislative powers are fused while in separated systems presidents' bases of legislative support become less stable. How do we explain varying levels of legislative party cohesion? The first part of this article draws on the purposive literature to explore the benefits and costs to legislators in democratic legislatures of joining and acting collectively and individualistically within political parties. This leads on to a discussion of various conceptual and empirical problems encountered in analysing intra-party cohesion and discipline in democratic legislatures on plenary votes. Finally, the article reviews the extant empirical evidence on how a multiplicity of systemic, party-levels and situational factors supposedly impact cohesion/discipline levels. The article ends with a discussion of the possibilities and limitations of building comparative models of cohesion/discipline.

Re-employment hazard of displaced German workers: evidence from the GSOEP

This study investigates the re-employment hazard of displaced German workers using the first fourteen sweeps of the German Socio-Economic Panel (GSOEP) data. As well as parametric and non-parametric discrete-time specifications for the baseline hazard, the study employs alternative mixing distributions to account for unobserved heterogeneity. Findings of the study suggest negative duration dependence, even after accounting for unobserved heterogeneity. In terms of covariate effects, those at the lower end of the skills ladder, those who had been working in manufacturing and those with previous experience of non-employment are found to have lower hazard of exit via reemployment.

Pilot study of the utility and acceptability of tampon sampling for the diagnosis of Neisseria gonorrhoeae and Chlamydia trachomatis infections by duplex realtime polymerase chain reaction in United Kingdom sex workers

We aimed to evaluate the acceptability of self-collected tampon samples for the screening of female sex workers for sexually transmitted infections. We recruited 65 sex workers, and 63 agreed to provide tampon samples. The tampon samples were processed by realtime polymerase chain reaction (PCR) targeting Neisseria gonorrhoeae and Chlamydia trachomatis. Urethral and endocervical swabs were also obtained from 61 of 63 participants and tested using culture (N. gonorrhoeae) and the BD ProbeTec strand displacement amplification (SDA) (C. trachomatis) assay. Tampon sampling was preferred by 95% of the women and all favoured being tested away from genitourinary medicine clinics; the most common reasons cited were avoidance of embarrassment (40%) and convenience (30%). Besides near-universal acceptability of tampon sampling, the tampon sampling-PCR approach described in this study appeared to have enhanced sensitivity compared with conventional testing, suggesting the possibility of a residual hidden burden of N. gonorrhoeae and/or C. trachomatis genital infections in UK female sex workers.

Morality and politics: the free churches and the Labour Party between the wars

The inter-war period saw the decline of the Liberal party, the traditional political ally of the free churches, and the rise of the Labour party. This article traces the responses of the free churches to these developments. The relationship of the free churches with the Labour party in this period is examined at three different levels; that of the free church leadership, that of the chapels and the ordinary people in the pews and that of the nonconformists who became active in the Labour party. Whilst attitudes towards the Labour party changed within free church institutions during the inter-war years they did not become important supporters of the party, or greatly influence it. The number and proportion of individual nonconformists who were active and influential in the party in this period was however considerable. In the process not only did Labour M.P.s become the main carriers of the nonconformist conscience on issues such as drink and gambling. They also made a distinctive and important contribution to the development and ideals of the Labour party.

Against divisiveness: Digital workers of the world unite! A rejoinder to César Bolaño and Eloy Vieira

This piece is a short rejoinder to César Bolaño’s paper The Political Economy of the Internet and related articles (e.g., Comor, Foley, Huws, Reveley, Rigi and Prey, Robinson) that center around the relevance of Marx’s labor theory of value for understanding social media. I argue that Dallas Smythe’s assessment of advertising was made to distinguish his approach from the one by Baran and Sweezy. Smythe developed the idea of capital’s exploitation of the audience at a time when both feminist and anti-imperialist Marxists challenged the orthodox idea that only white factory workers are exploited. The crucial question is how to conceptualize productive labor. This is a theoretical, normative, and political question. A mathematical example shows the importance of the “crowdsourcing” of value-production on Facebook. I also point out parallels of the contemporary debate to the Soviet question of who is a productive or unproductive worker in the Material Product System.