2 resultados para Isolation of NTM

em WestminsterResearch - UK


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A recent study characterizing bacteriophage populations within human caecal effluent demonstrated the presence of numerous Podoviridae, Siphoviridae and Myoviridae within this material (Hoyles et al., 2014, Res Microbiol 165, 803–812). Further to this work, anaerobic bacteria were isolated on fastidious anaerobe agar from the caecal effluent of a healthy 31-year-old woman. Ten colonies were selected at random, streaked to purity and screened against the remaining caecal effluent (filter-sterilized, 0.45 μm pore size) in an attempt to isolate lytic bacteriophages. Bacteriophages within the effluent [2×105 ± 2.65×103 (n=3) pfu/ml] were active against five of the isolates, all identified by 16S rRNA gene sequence analysis as Klebsiella pneumoniae. One of the five isolates, L4-FAA5, was characterized further and found to be K. pneumoniae subsp. pneumoniae capsule type K2 rmpA+, and was used to propagate a bacteriophage (which we named KLPN1) to purity. Bacteriophage KLPN1 was a member of the Siphoviridae with a rosette-like tail tip and exhibited depolymerase activity, demonstrated by the formation of plaque-surrounding haloes that increased in size over the course of incubation. When screened against a panel of 21 clinical strains representing unknown K. pneumoniae subsp. pneumoniae capsule types and types K1, K2, K5, K20, K54 and K57, KLPN1 infected only K2 strains, but did not exhibit depolymerase activity against these. Whole-genome sequence analysis of KLPN1 showed the bacteriophage to have a genome of 49,037 bp (50.53 GC mol%) comprising 73 predicted ORFs, of which 22 encoded genes associated with structure, host recognition, packaging, DNA replication and cell lysis. The host recognition-associated gene was a potential depolymerase. This is the first report of the isolation of a bacterium–bacteriophage combination from the human caecum, and only the third member of the Siphoviridae known to infect K. pneumoniae subsp. pneumoniae.

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The Cyprus dispute accurately portrays the evolution of the conflict from ‘warfare to lawfare’ enriched in politics; this research has proven that the Cyprus problem has been and will continue to be one of the most judicialised disputes across the globe. Notwithstanding the ‘normalisation’ of affairs between the two ethno-religious groups on the island since the division in 1974, the Republic of Cyprus’ (RoC) European Union (EU) membership in 2004 failed to catalyse reunification and terminate the legal, political and economic isolation of the Turkish Cypriot community. So the question is; why is it that the powerful legal order of the EU continuously fails to tame the tiny troublesome island of Cyprus? This is a thesis on the interrelationship of the EU legal order and the Cyprus problem. A literal and depoliticised interpretation of EU law has been maintained throughout the EU’s dealings with Cyprus, hence, pre-accession and post-accession. The research has brought to light that this literal interpretation of EU law vis-à-vis Cyprus has in actual fact deepened the division on the island. Pessimists outnumber optimists so far as resolving this problem is concerned, and rightly so if you look back over the last forty years of failed attempts to do just that, a diplomatic combat zone scattered with the bones of numerous mediators. This thesis will discuss how the decisions of the EU institutions, its Member States and specifically of the European Court of Justice, despite conforming to the EU legal order, have managed to disregard the principle of equality on the divided island and thus prevent the promised upgrade of the status of the Turkish Cypriot community since 2004. Indeed, whether a positive or negative reading of the Union’s position towards the Cyprus problem is adopted, the case remains valid for an organisation based on the rule of law to maintain legitimacy, democracy, clarity and equality to the decisions of its institutions. Overall, the aim of this research is to establish a link between the lack of success of the Union to build a bridge over troubled waters and the right of self-determination of the Turkish Cypriot community. The only way left for the EU to help resolve the Cyprus problem is to aim to broker a deal between the two Cypriot communities which will permit the recognition of the Turkish Republic of Northern Cyprus (TRNC) or at least the ‘Taiwanisation’ of Northern Cyprus. Albeit, there are many studies that address the impact of the EU on the conflict or the RoC, which represents the government that has monopolised EU accession, the argument advanced in this thesis is that despite the alleged Europeanisation of the Turkish Cypriot community, they are habitually disregarded because of the EU’s current legal framework and the Union’s lack of conflict transformation strategy vis-à-vis the island. Since the self-declared TRNC is not recognised and EU law is suspended in northern Cyprus in accordance with Protocol No 10 on Cyprus of the Act of Accession 2003, the Turkish-Cypriots represent an idiomatic partner of Brussels but the relations between the two resemble the experience of EU enlargement: the EU’s relevance to the community has been based on the prospects for EU accession (via reunification) and assistance towards preparation for potential EU integration through financial and technical aid. Undeniably, the pre-accession and postaccession strategy of Brussels in Cyprus has worsened the Cyprus problem and hindered the peace process. The time has come for the international community to formally acknowledge the existence of the TRNC.