Knowledge, economy, technology and society: The politics of discourse

The WSIS is centrally interested in knowledge and has defined for itself a mission that is broadly humanitarian. Its development ‘talk’ is, rightly, replete with notions of equity, preserving culture, justice, human rights and so on. In incorporating such issues into knowledge society and economy discussions, WSIS has adopted a different posture towards knowledge than is seen in dominant discourses. This study analyses the dominant knowledge discourse using a large corpus of knowledge-related policy documents, discourse theory and an interrelational understanding of knowledge. I show that it is important to understand this dominant knowledge discourse because of its capacity to limit thought and action in relation to its central topic, knowledge. The results of this study demonstrate that the dominant knowledge discourse is technocratic, frequently insensitive to the humane mission at the core of the WSIS, and is based on a partial understanding of what knowledge is and how knowledge systems work. Moreover, I show that knowledge is inherently political, that the dominant knowledge discourse is politically oriented towards the concerns of business and technology, but that an emancipatory politics of knowledge is possible.

Ky visit

Police cordon on Brisbane street during visit of former South Vietnamese vice president Nguyen Cao Ky to Australia in January 1967.

Demonstrations during Marshall Ky's visit to Brisbane, Australia in 1967

Demonstrations during visit of former South Vietnamese vice president Nguyen Cao Ky to Australia in January 1967.

Ky's visit - do gifts justify more conscripts?

Woman with placard during visit of former South Vietnamese vice president Nguyen Cao Ky to Brisbane, Australia in January 1967.

Go home fascist

Girls with placard during visit of former South Vietnamese vice president Nguyen Cao Ky to Brisbane, Australia in January 1967. Placard reads Go home fascist

Go home fascist 2

Girl with placard Go home fascist during visit of former South Vietnamese vice president Nguyen Cao Ky to Brisbane, Australia in January 1967.

Police during Ky visit

Police and demonstrators during visit of former South Vietnamese vice president Nguyen Cao Ky to Brisbane, Australia in January 1967. One of the policemen possibly John O'Gorman?

Crowd scene during Ky visit to Brisbane

Crowd scene during visit of former South Vietnamese vice president Nguyen Cao Ky to Brisbane, Australia in January 1967.

Hec (Hector) Chalmers speaking to newsmen during Ky visit

Hec (Hector) Chalmers speaking to newsment during visit of former South Vietnamese vice president Nguyen Cao Ky to Brisbane, Australia in January 1967.

Women during Aldermaston Peace march 1965

Women with placards and banners during Aldermaston Peace march 1965. The march covered the distance between Ipswich and Brisbane, Australia, walked in relays covering approximately two miles each. Most relay sections were sponsored by one or more individual organisations.

Placard on truck during Labour Day procession Brisbane 1966

Placard "Brisbane 1966 not Germany 1936" on truck during Labour Day procession Brisbane 1966. Image shows arrest of student during anti war demonstration in Brisbane, Australia, 1966. City Hall tower can be seen in background.

Conscription banner on truck during Labour Day procession 1966 Brisbane

Conscription headstone banner on truck during Labour Day procession 1966 Brisbane, Australia.

Aussie don't be led by the nose - withdraw troops from Vietnam

Two men on back of Vanguard utility during Labour Day procession 1966, Brisbane, Australia. One is dressed as Uncle Sam. He is leading the other by the nose. The second man is dressed as an Australian soldier. Placards on utility read "Don't be led by the nose - withdraw troops from Vietnam".

Communism and Public Opinion in Queensland, 1939-1951 : An Explanation of Queensland's Vote in the 1951 Anti-Communist Referendum

The starting point of this thesis was a desire to explain the rapid demise in the popularity which the Communist Party enjoyed in Queensland during the second world war. Wartime Queensland gave the Australian Communist Party its highest state vote and six years later Queensland again gave the Communist Party its highest state vote - this time however, to ban the Party. From this I was led into exploring the changing policies, beliefs and strategies of the Party, as well as the many sub-groups on its periphery, and the shifts in public response to these. In 1939 Townsville elected Australia's first Communist alderman. Five years later, Bowen elected not only Australia's first but also the British Empire's first, Communist state government member. Of the five electorates the Australian Communist Party contested in the 1944 Queensland State elections, in none did the Party's candidate receive less than twenty per-cent of the formal vote. Not only was the Party seemingly enjoying considerable popular support but this was occurring in a State which, but for the Depression years (May 1929 - June 1932) had elected a Labor State Government at every state election since 1915. In the September 1951 Constitution Alteration Referendum, 'Powers To Deal With Communists and Communism', Queensland regist¬ered the nation's highest "Yes" majority - 55.76% of the valid vote. Only two other states registered a majority in favour of the referendum's proposals, Western Australia and Tasmania. As this research was undertaken it became evident that while various trends exhibited at the time, anti-Communism, the work of the Industrial Groups, Labor opportunism, local area feelings, ideological shifts of the Party, tactics of Communist-led unions, etc., were present throughout the entire period, they were best seen when divided into three chronological phases of the Party's history and popularity. The first period covers the consolidation of the Party's post-Depression popularity during the war years as it benefited from the Soviet Union's colossal contribution to the Allied war efforts, and this support continued for some six months or so after the war. Throughout the period Communist strength within the trade union movement greatly increased as did total Party membership. The second period was marked by a rapid series of events starting in March 1946, with Winston Churchill's "Official Opening" of the Cold War by his sweeping attack on Communism and Russia, at Fulton. Several days later the first of a series of long and bitter strikes in Communist-led unions occurred, as the Party mobil¬ized for what it believed would be a series of attacks on the working class from a ruling class, defending a capitalist system on the verge of an economic collapse. It was a period when the Party believed this ruling class was using Labor reformism as a last desperate 'carrot' to get workers to accept their lot within a capitalist economic framework. Out of the Meat Strike emerged the Industrial Groups, who waged not only a determined war against Communist trade union leadership but also encouraged the A.W.U.-influenced State Labor apparatus to even greater anti-Communist antagonisms. The Communist Party's increasing militancy and Labor's resistance to it, ended finally in the collapse of the Chifley Labor government. Characteristically the third period opens with the Communist Party making an another about-face, desperately trying to form an alliance with the Labor Party and curbing its former adventurist industrial policy, as it prepared for Menzies' direct assault. The Communist Party's activities were greatly reduced, a function of both a declining member-ship and, furthermore, a membership reluctant to confront an increasingly hostile society. In examining the changing policies, beliefs and strategies of the Party and the shifts in public response to these, I have tried to distinguish between general trends occurring within Australia and the national party, and trends peculiar to Queensland and the Queensland branch of the Party, The Communist Party suffered a decline in support and membership right across Australia throughout this period as a result of the national policies of the Party, and the changing nature of world politics. There were particular features of this decline that were peculiar to Queensland. I have, however, singled out three features of particular importance throughout the period for a short but more specifically detailed analysis, than would be possible in a purely chronological study: i.e. the Party's structure, the Party's ideological subservience to Moscow, and the general effect upon it of the Cold War.