25 resultados para politics of belonging
em University of Queensland eSpace - Australia
Resumo:
This study investigates the sense of belonging to a neighbourhood among 9445 women aged 73-78 years participating in the Australian Longitudinal Study on Women's Health. Thirteen items designed to measure sense of neighbourhood were included in the survey of the older women in 1999. Survey data provided a range of measures of demographic, social and health-related factors to assess scale construct validity. Factor analysis showed that seven of the items loaded on one factor that had good face validity and construct validity as a measure of the sense of neighbourhood. Two of the remaining items related to neighbourhood safety and comprised a factor. A better sense of neighbourhood was associated with better physical and mental health, lower stress, better social support and being physically active. Women who had lived longer at their present address had a better sense of belonging to their neighbourhood, as did women living in non-urban areas and who were better able to manage on their income. Feeling safe in the neighbourhood was least likely in urban areas, increased in rural townships, and was most likely in rural and remote areas. Older women living alone felt less safe, as did women who were less able to manage on their income. This study has identified two sets of items that form valid measures of aspects of the social environment of older women, namely the sense of neighbourhood and feelings of safety. These findings make a contribution to our understanding of the relationship between feelings of belonging to a neighbourhood and health in older women. (C) 2004 Elsevier Ltd. All rights reserved.
Resumo:
This article argues that since 2000 successive Croatian governments have shown themselves increasingly dedicated to reforming civil-military relations. However, their efforts have been hampered by four key obstacles. First, the need to implement defence reforms in the context of an unwieldy set of civil-military relationships, political and institutional rivalries, a lack of civil and military defence expertise and a continuing legacy of politicisation. Second, the need to cut defence spending as a proportion of the overall budget whilst taking on new military roles and improving the capability of the armed forces. Third, the need to balance the demands of the NATO accession process while implementing a balanced and fundamental reform of the armed forces as a whole. Finally, the need to implement root and branch personnel reforms and downsizing in the OSRH while simultaneously recruiting and retaining quality personnel and addressing the wider social issue of unemployment.
Resumo:
The WSIS is centrally interested in knowledge and has defined for itself a mission that is broadly humanitarian. Its development ‘talk’ is, rightly, replete with notions of equity, preserving culture, justice, human rights and so on. In incorporating such issues into knowledge society and economy discussions, WSIS has adopted a different posture towards knowledge than is seen in dominant discourses. This study analyses the dominant knowledge discourse using a large corpus of knowledge-related policy documents, discourse theory and an interrelational understanding of knowledge. I show that it is important to understand this dominant knowledge discourse because of its capacity to limit thought and action in relation to its central topic, knowledge. The results of this study demonstrate that the dominant knowledge discourse is technocratic, frequently insensitive to the humane mission at the core of the WSIS, and is based on a partial understanding of what knowledge is and how knowledge systems work. Moreover, I show that knowledge is inherently political, that the dominant knowledge discourse is politically oriented towards the concerns of business and technology, but that an emancipatory politics of knowledge is possible.
Resumo:
This article explores the relationship between the nation, the city, narratives, and belonging in Serbia through an analysis of narratives of a set of 30 interviews with young Belgrade intellectuals aged 23-35. I argue that what appears to be emerging in post-Milosevic Serbia is a new articulation and a new scale of belonging. Most of my informants are mobilising their city identities, moving from a national to an urban perspective. They imaginatively defend their city identity through a discourse that, others' its newcomers, i.e. the rural residents. However, the article is critical of their articulated dichotomous rhetoric of 'Us, the City Cosmopolitans' vs. I Them, the Rural Nationalists' My overall aim is to offer an analysis of the Serbian case, where one sees that the city of Belgrade has become a microcosm and a symbolic expression for modernity, resistance, openness and democracy. However, instead of seeing urbanity as the only locus of modernity, one needs to understand that urbanity does not one-dimensionally lead to the urbanisation of the mind, implying that once you have cities, or live in a city, there is a specific urban, cosmopolitan experience.
Resumo:
This paper offers a re-configuration of international business research by subjecting it to a postcolonial critique. This critique sees international business research as exhibiting continuities with the colonial project in the way it appropriates the Other. Qualitative research in international business often reproduces a neopositivist separation of theory and method, which can marginalize discussion of the important ontological, epistemological and political issues inherent in any research process
Resumo:
International donors and state bureaucrats in the developing world have promoted decentralization reform as the primary means to achieve equitable, efficient and sustainable natural resource management. Relatively few studies, however, consider the power interests at stake. Why do state agencies decentralize power, what political patterns unfold, and how do outcomes affect the responses of resource users? This paper explores decentralization reform by investigating the political processes behind the Philippine state's decisions to transfer authority over national parks management to local government units. Drawing on a case of devolved management at Puerto Princesa Subterranean River National Park, Palawan Island, we examine how political motives situated at different institutional scales affect the broader process of decentralization, the structure of management institutions, and overall livelihood security. We demonstrate how power struggles between the Philippine state and City Government of Palawan over the right to manage the national park have impacted the livelihood support offered by community-based conservation. We conclude that decentralization may offer empowering resu
Resumo:
The aim of this book is to assist those who want to understand and analyse social, political and economic issues. In this project we have drawn upon the resources of political science, which typically examines the interaction between political ideas, institutions and policies in its attempt to make sense of the society in which we live. The perspectives offered by political science are evident in the structure of contributions to the volume. The organising framework we have adopted emphasises the importance of political ideas in shaping the way we comprehend political issues; the centrality of political institutions in influencing the possibilities for and limits on politics; and how present and past policies determine the context and direction of the solutions to political problems. This second edition expands upon out original brief. Where we have retained certain topics, the chapters have all been revised and updated. There are also a number of new chapters in each section that deal with significant political doctrines, institutions and policies.