Greetings from the cybercaliphate: some notes on homeland insecurity

One of the paradoxical effects of the 7 July bombings in London was to expose the ambivalence in the British government's attempt to wage war on terror by forcefully prosecuting war against those who resort to jihad abroad, actively participating in coalitions of the wining whether in Afghanistan or Iraq, while affording some of Islamism's key ideologists and strategists a high degree of latitude in the United Kingdom itself. This indicates a number of contradictions in official policy that simultaneously recognizes the globalized threat from violent Islamic militancy while, under the rubric of multiculturalism, tolerating those very strains of Islamist radicalism, some of which draw upon the interdependent and transnational character of conflict, to render the UK vulnerable to those very same violent forces. Consequently, the British authorities displayed a studied indifference towards this developing transnational phenomenon both during the 1990s and in some respects even after the London bombings. To explore the curious character of the government's response to the Islamist threat requires the examination of the emergence of this radical ideological understanding and what it entails as a reaction to modernization and secularism in both thought and practice. The analysis explores how government policies often facilitated the non-negotiable identity politics of those promoting a pure, authentic and regenerated Islamic order both in the UK and abroad. This reflected a profound misunderstanding of the growing source and appeal of radical Islam that can be interpreted as a consequence of the slow-motion collision between modernity in its recent globalized form and an Islamic social character, which renders standard western modernization theory, and indeed, the notion of a 'social science' itself, deeply questionable.

Rethinking regionalism: Europe and East Asia in comparative historical perspective

Regionally based processes of political and economic integration, security co-operation, and even social identification have become increasingly important and prominent parts of the international system. Nowhere have such processes gone further than in Western Europe. Somewhat surprisingly, similar patterns of regional integration have been steadily developing in East Asia - a region many observers consider unlikely to replicate the European experience. This paper uses an historically grounded comparative approach to examine the historical preconditions that underpinned the formation of the European Union, and then contrasts them with the situation in East Asia today. While the overall geopolitical and specific national contexts are very different, such an analysis highlights surprising similarities and differences, particularly in the role played by the United States in both periods. A comparative analysis allows us to understand and rethink the incentives for, and constraints on, regional integrative processes.

The Strategic Utility of ‘Chineseness’ in the Political Cultures of Diasporic Chinese Communities: Some Preliminary Thoughts

It is not especially controversial to suggest that the academic literature on Chineseness has for some time been focused upon the ‘porousness’ and ‘strategic’ possibilities of identity categories. This is most clearly observable in the legacy of cultural theory upon identity politics. In particular, terms such as hybridity have not only expanded the political potential for fragmenting conventional identifications, but also symbolised the sorts of ‘complicated entanglements’ within which individuals and communities are perpetually caught. The discursive mileage of hybridity has meant, over time, that it has also attracted criticism. Some of this criticism comes from academics engaged in more materialist forms of research. These sorts of contrary perspectives have often sought to ground hybrid identifications within the cultural and historical milieu from which they are enacted, whenever they are enacted.

Ambivalent 'selves': Japanese women's diasporic experiences in Australian higher education

In an age of globalisation and internationalisation, how women learn to represent themselves in terms of their cultural, social and gender identities in the wider world is significant. A group of 17 Japanese women studying in postgraduate courses in three Australian universities were interviewed for part of this longitudinal project, and their case studies are presented in this paper to portray the women's lived experiences and interpret how higher education overseas affects their reconstruction of their 'selves' and traditional Japanese femininity. I set my analytic framework through a discussion of the forceful globalisation of higher education and discourses of identity and 'self', and then analyse the present status of Japanese women in contemporary Japan. I then provide excerpts of the women's narratives which indicate ambivalent 'selves' in transition. Two possibilities have arisen from their narratives to illuminate this ambivalence - one possibility is that women's positive experiences in Australia and their increased and diverse exposure to and experience of other cultures may influence cultural change such as the transformation of constructs of women at home, and challenge existing identity and femininity discourses in Japan. The second possibility is that negative aspects of their 'diasporic experiences' can also articulate other complex identity politics, such as Japanese women's 'double marginalisation' which means being both a woman and a member of an ethnic minority group, conflicts between the homogenisation of 'Asian women' and representations of 'new Japanese women', and their sense of belongingness to their original culture. These contradictory phenomena of identity formations within Japanese women have the potential to shift the debate and challenge current essentialist views of hegemonic homogenisation of regional identities.

Identity, difference, and the dilemmas of inter-Korean relations: Insights from northern defectors and the German precedent

Questions of identity have become increasingly central to the study of foreign policy and security, particularly in constructivist debates. But very few of the resulting insights have been applied to the Korean situation, where discussions about security and inter-Korean relations remain dominated by strategic and geopolitical issues. The main task of this article is to address this shortcoming by examining the experience of North Korean defectors in South Korea and the precedent of German unification. Both of these domains of inquiry reveal that identity differences between North and South persist far beyond the ideological and political structures that created them in the first place. Born out of death, fear, and longing for revenge, these identity patterns lie at the heart of Korea's security dilemmas. Unless taken seriously by scholars and decision makers, the respective tensions between identity and difference will continue to cause major political problems. (Key words: Inter-Korean relations, North Korean defectors, German unification)