Communism and Public Opinion in Queensland, 1939-1951 : An Explanation of Queensland's Vote in the 1951 Anti-Communist Referendum

The starting point of this thesis was a desire to explain the rapid demise in the popularity which the Communist Party enjoyed in Queensland during the second world war. Wartime Queensland gave the Australian Communist Party its highest state vote and six years later Queensland again gave the Communist Party its highest state vote - this time however, to ban the Party. From this I was led into exploring the changing policies, beliefs and strategies of the Party, as well as the many sub-groups on its periphery, and the shifts in public response to these. In 1939 Townsville elected Australia's first Communist alderman. Five years later, Bowen elected not only Australia's first but also the British Empire's first, Communist state government member. Of the five electorates the Australian Communist Party contested in the 1944 Queensland State elections, in none did the Party's candidate receive less than twenty per-cent of the formal vote. Not only was the Party seemingly enjoying considerable popular support but this was occurring in a State which, but for the Depression years (May 1929 - June 1932) had elected a Labor State Government at every state election since 1915. In the September 1951 Constitution Alteration Referendum, 'Powers To Deal With Communists and Communism', Queensland regist¬ered the nation's highest "Yes" majority - 55.76% of the valid vote. Only two other states registered a majority in favour of the referendum's proposals, Western Australia and Tasmania. As this research was undertaken it became evident that while various trends exhibited at the time, anti-Communism, the work of the Industrial Groups, Labor opportunism, local area feelings, ideological shifts of the Party, tactics of Communist-led unions, etc., were present throughout the entire period, they were best seen when divided into three chronological phases of the Party's history and popularity. The first period covers the consolidation of the Party's post-Depression popularity during the war years as it benefited from the Soviet Union's colossal contribution to the Allied war efforts, and this support continued for some six months or so after the war. Throughout the period Communist strength within the trade union movement greatly increased as did total Party membership. The second period was marked by a rapid series of events starting in March 1946, with Winston Churchill's "Official Opening" of the Cold War by his sweeping attack on Communism and Russia, at Fulton. Several days later the first of a series of long and bitter strikes in Communist-led unions occurred, as the Party mobil¬ized for what it believed would be a series of attacks on the working class from a ruling class, defending a capitalist system on the verge of an economic collapse. It was a period when the Party believed this ruling class was using Labor reformism as a last desperate 'carrot' to get workers to accept their lot within a capitalist economic framework. Out of the Meat Strike emerged the Industrial Groups, who waged not only a determined war against Communist trade union leadership but also encouraged the A.W.U.-influenced State Labor apparatus to even greater anti-Communist antagonisms. The Communist Party's increasing militancy and Labor's resistance to it, ended finally in the collapse of the Chifley Labor government. Characteristically the third period opens with the Communist Party making an another about-face, desperately trying to form an alliance with the Labor Party and curbing its former adventurist industrial policy, as it prepared for Menzies' direct assault. The Communist Party's activities were greatly reduced, a function of both a declining member-ship and, furthermore, a membership reluctant to confront an increasingly hostile society. In examining the changing policies, beliefs and strategies of the Party and the shifts in public response to these, I have tried to distinguish between general trends occurring within Australia and the national party, and trends peculiar to Queensland and the Queensland branch of the Party, The Communist Party suffered a decline in support and membership right across Australia throughout this period as a result of the national policies of the Party, and the changing nature of world politics. There were particular features of this decline that were peculiar to Queensland. I have, however, singled out three features of particular importance throughout the period for a short but more specifically detailed analysis, than would be possible in a purely chronological study: i.e. the Party's structure, the Party's ideological subservience to Moscow, and the general effect upon it of the Cold War.

Prospective study of men's psychological and decision-related adjustment after treatment for localized prostate cancer

Objectives. To undertake a prospective longitudinal study to assess psychological and decision-related distress after the diagnosis of localized prostate cancer. Methods. A total of I 11 men (93% response rate) with localized prostate cancer were recruited from outpatient urology clinics and urologists' private practices. More than one half (56%) elected to undergo radical prostatectomy, 19% underwent external beam radiotherapy, and 25% chose watchful waiting. Men completed self-report measures before treatment and 2 and 12 months after treatment. The measures used included the University of California, Los Angeles, Prostate Cancer Index, International Prostate Symptom Score, Impact of Events Scale, Constructed Meaning Scale, Satisfaction with Life Scale, Health Care Orientation subscale, and Decisional Conflict Scale. Results. No statistically significant differences were found by medical treatment group in the psychological and decision-related adjustment at baseline or with time. Men who were undecided about their treatment choice had greater decisional conflict and a more negative healthcare orientation, but were not more psychologically distressed, compared with men who had decided. At diagnosis, 63% of men had high decision-related distress, and this persisted for 42% of men 12 months after treatment, despite high satisfaction with their treatment choice. At diagnosis, low-to-moderate psychological distress was most common, with distress decreasing after treatment. The overall quality of life was similar to community norms. Conclusions. The results of our study indicated that men who were undecided about what treatment to receive experienced greater decision-related distress. The final treatment choice was not related to psychological distress about prostate cancer. Psychological and decision-related distress decreased with time, independent of treatment modality. Interventions should target decision-related distress for all men and in-depth psychological support for those who experience ongoing difficulties. (C) 2004 Elsevier Inc.

Women in the Queensland Parliament

Women won the right to vote in Queensland in 1905, but had to wait until 1915 and the election of the first Labor government to govern in its own right before they became eligible to stand for Parliament. Prior to 1989, women were only occasionally and randomly elected to the Queensland Parliament and until that year, only 11 women had sat in Parliament, and there were long gaps separating their representation.

Taking the international spotlight: Pauline Hanson and Pauline Hanson's One Nation Party

Pauline Hanson's One Nation Party (PHONP) held an extraordinary place in the Australian and international media from March 1996, when Hanson was elected to the House of Representatives. Hanson's role as a charismatic leader idolised by supporters is unprecedented in postwar Australian politics and the leader and the party were totally identified, with Hanson's name incorporated into that of the organisation when PHONP won 11 of the 89 seats in the Queensland Legislative Assembly in June 1998.

Stochastic dynamic programming for election timing: A game theory approach

In this paper, we consider dynamic programming for the election timing in the majoritarian parliamentary system such as in Australia, where the government has a constitutional right to call an early election. This right can give the government an advantage to remain in power for as long as possible by calling an election, when its popularity is high. On the other hand, the opposition's natural objective is to gain power, and it will apply controls termed as "boosts" to reduce the chance of the government being re-elected by introducing policy and economic responses. In this paper, we explore equilibrium solutions to the government, and the opposition strategies in a political game using stochastic dynamic programming. Results are given in terms of the expected remaining life in power, call and boost probabilities at each time at any level of popularity.

Television satire, decmocracy and the decay of public language: John Clarke's verbal caricature

This paper examines the contributions of John Clarke to the field of political satire through his interviews with straight-man Bryan Dawe on ABC TV’s The 7.30 Report. Clarke’s work represents one of the last vestiges of what was once a vigorous satiric tradition in TV comedy, specifically the practice of political caricature. There was The Mavis Bramston Show in the 1960s and The Naked Vicar Show in the 1970s, while The Gillies Report in the 1980s was probably the best example of sustained political caricature in television comedy. Even in later sketch-based shows such as Fast Forward and The Late Show in the early 1990s, political caricature was a significant component of the material, whereas it seems to have all but disappeared from current television comedy. The paper investigates the disappearance of this type of comedy from Australian television screens and also discusses why the longevity, consistency, not to mention accuracy, of Clarke’s satire is so important in the current political climate. Clarke’s political caricature is almost entirely language-based, expertly parodying the spin-doctored rhetoric of our elected representatives and business leaders. This leads to a secondary focus of the paper, which is a discussion of Clarke’s unique form of satire in the context of what an historian (and former satirist) identifies as ‘the decay of public language’.

Henry Baker: Author of the first microscopy laboratory manual

Henry Baker (1698–1774) was a typical 18th century polymath: natural historian, poet, translator of Molière, editor of a popular periodical and prolific correspondent. He was a cofounder of the Royal Society of Arts and a Fellow of the Royal Society of Antiquaries. Baker’s influence on the development and popularization of the microscope was considerable and he wrote three books; the first, The Microscope Made Easy, was a best seller. In 1741 Baker was elected a Fellow of the Royal Society and played a prominent role in its activities for 30 years. The Bakerian Lecture was founded as a result of a bequest in his will.

Rethinking the labour movement in the "new South Africa"

The socio-economic system underpinning apartheid in South Africa was based on the exploitation of black workers in the mines, the factories, the fields and the shops. It is widely recognized that the struggles of the South African black working class contributed decisively to the overthrow of the racist regime. In recognition of the power of organised labour, the democratic government elected in 1994 granted South Africa's unions unprecedented legal and constitutional rights. However, despite these gains, the country's labour movement has been facing a fresh set of challenges, from macroeconomic policy to the factory floor, many of them emanating from labour’s political allies in Government. The purpose of this book is to examine how the South African labour movement is responding to these challenges in the new millennium. A variety of experts on South African labour, both within the country and outside deal with crucial issues: How has South Africa's labour movement reacted to the ANC Government's neoliberal economic agenda? How do the unions relate to an increasingly diversifying, “flexible” and vulnerable workforce? What are labour’s prospects of contributing to a left project in democratic South Africa? What are the challenges facing the unions in relation to new forms of militancy and social movements?