Communism and Public Opinion in Queensland, 1939-1951 : An Explanation of Queensland's Vote in the 1951 Anti-Communist Referendum

The starting point of this thesis was a desire to explain the rapid demise in the popularity which the Communist Party enjoyed in Queensland during the second world war. Wartime Queensland gave the Australian Communist Party its highest state vote and six years later Queensland again gave the Communist Party its highest state vote - this time however, to ban the Party. From this I was led into exploring the changing policies, beliefs and strategies of the Party, as well as the many sub-groups on its periphery, and the shifts in public response to these. In 1939 Townsville elected Australia's first Communist alderman. Five years later, Bowen elected not only Australia's first but also the British Empire's first, Communist state government member. Of the five electorates the Australian Communist Party contested in the 1944 Queensland State elections, in none did the Party's candidate receive less than twenty per-cent of the formal vote. Not only was the Party seemingly enjoying considerable popular support but this was occurring in a State which, but for the Depression years (May 1929 - June 1932) had elected a Labor State Government at every state election since 1915. In the September 1951 Constitution Alteration Referendum, 'Powers To Deal With Communists and Communism', Queensland regist¬ered the nation's highest "Yes" majority - 55.76% of the valid vote. Only two other states registered a majority in favour of the referendum's proposals, Western Australia and Tasmania. As this research was undertaken it became evident that while various trends exhibited at the time, anti-Communism, the work of the Industrial Groups, Labor opportunism, local area feelings, ideological shifts of the Party, tactics of Communist-led unions, etc., were present throughout the entire period, they were best seen when divided into three chronological phases of the Party's history and popularity. The first period covers the consolidation of the Party's post-Depression popularity during the war years as it benefited from the Soviet Union's colossal contribution to the Allied war efforts, and this support continued for some six months or so after the war. Throughout the period Communist strength within the trade union movement greatly increased as did total Party membership. The second period was marked by a rapid series of events starting in March 1946, with Winston Churchill's "Official Opening" of the Cold War by his sweeping attack on Communism and Russia, at Fulton. Several days later the first of a series of long and bitter strikes in Communist-led unions occurred, as the Party mobil¬ized for what it believed would be a series of attacks on the working class from a ruling class, defending a capitalist system on the verge of an economic collapse. It was a period when the Party believed this ruling class was using Labor reformism as a last desperate 'carrot' to get workers to accept their lot within a capitalist economic framework. Out of the Meat Strike emerged the Industrial Groups, who waged not only a determined war against Communist trade union leadership but also encouraged the A.W.U.-influenced State Labor apparatus to even greater anti-Communist antagonisms. The Communist Party's increasing militancy and Labor's resistance to it, ended finally in the collapse of the Chifley Labor government. Characteristically the third period opens with the Communist Party making an another about-face, desperately trying to form an alliance with the Labor Party and curbing its former adventurist industrial policy, as it prepared for Menzies' direct assault. The Communist Party's activities were greatly reduced, a function of both a declining member-ship and, furthermore, a membership reluctant to confront an increasingly hostile society. In examining the changing policies, beliefs and strategies of the Party and the shifts in public response to these, I have tried to distinguish between general trends occurring within Australia and the national party, and trends peculiar to Queensland and the Queensland branch of the Party, The Communist Party suffered a decline in support and membership right across Australia throughout this period as a result of the national policies of the Party, and the changing nature of world politics. There were particular features of this decline that were peculiar to Queensland. I have, however, singled out three features of particular importance throughout the period for a short but more specifically detailed analysis, than would be possible in a purely chronological study: i.e. the Party's structure, the Party's ideological subservience to Moscow, and the general effect upon it of the Cold War.

Historic Bridge Photographs: The Lahey Collection

Romeo Watkins Lahey (1887-1968) was a distinguished Queensland engineer. He graduated in engineering from the University of Sydney in 1914 and served in World War I from 1915 to 1918 with The Royal Australian Engineers. Following the war, he accepted an offer to remain for a period in England and studied town planning at the University of London. He visited Europe and collected a remarkable set of historic bridge photographs. In the course of this visit, he met Paul Sejourne, a distinguished French bridge engineer, the designer of at Ieast one of the bridges (at Fontpedrouse, pages 25-27) included in this set. When Lahey died, his wife Sybil and daughter Ann took steps to give this remarkable set of 58 historic bridge photographs to The University of Queensland. More recently, Lahey's daughters Ann Neale and Alison Drake have given a set of lantern plates collected by their father, many of which also have photographs of bridges. This volume is divided into three parts: (a) a biography of Romeo Watkins Lahey, written by his daughter, Ann Neale; (b) copies of the original set of 58 bridge photographs, and (c) copies taken from 32 lantern plates. To these have been added captions. Many of the original photographs carried titles; where these are available they have been printed in italics. Further work has been done to identify bridges and where possible the captions include the completion date, major dimensions, locations, and references to published works. Plates 8.1-10 are copies of drawings used as Figures in a book. These drawings have not been copied and the source has not been identified. Two lists of photographs and plates are included - the first in the order of the original collections and a second with bridges listed in the order of material, structural form and date. The collection is of remarkable value to any bridge historian, and is recommended for study by students.

Allies down under? The Australian at war

There can be no doubt that the Murdoch press played an important role in cohering what support there was for Australia's involvement in 'Gulf War Two'. From the start, Murdoch's 'Australian' newspaper was firmly committed to the coalition of the willing and provided a well-orchestrated cheer squad for Prime Minister John Howard and the war against Iraq.

La Pointe Saint Mathieu, Brittany, France

The "Pointe Saint Mathieu" is one of the most westerly continental landmarks of France. The promontory is located at the entrance of the "Goulet de la Rade de Brest", that is the entrance channel of the harbour of Brest in Brittany (France). It marks also the Southern end of the "Chenal du Four" that is the main navigation channel between the islands of Ouessant, Molène and Béniquet, and Brittany. The "Chenal du Four" is reputed for its dangers. The tidal range is greater than 7 m in spring tides, and the mid-tide current may exceed 5 knots. The Saint Mathieu promontory is equipped with a lighthouse and a semaphore. The former is located in the ruins of an old monastery, founded during the 6th century AD by Saint Tanguy. The present ruins are the remnants of buildings from the 11th to 15th centuries. The first lighthouse was installed in 1689, although the monks of the monastery used to maintain a signal light since the 1250s. Completed in 1835, the present "Phare de la Pointe Saint-Mathieu" is 37 m high and it reaches 58.8 m above sea level During World War 2, the Pointe Saint Mathieu was defended by a series of concrete fortifications built by the Germans. Some were based upon some earlier French bunker systems, like the coastal battery at the Rospects which included 4 main gun bunkers (4*150 mm, or 2*150 mm & 2*105 mm), an observation bunker on the Western side close to sea, and several smaller structures. There was also the large Kéringar Blockhaus system, near Lochrist, located about 1 km inland and designed for 4 guns of 280 mm. Its command bunker remains a landmark along the main road. All this area was very-heavily bombed between 1943 and 1944, and particularly during the battle of Brest in August-September 1944 ("L'Enfer de Brest").

Australia’s Lily Brayton: Performer and theatre artist

Recognition is the aim of this account of an artist who is now remembered largely for her beauty, her wide iconic fame achieved by mass distribution of her image via photography and postcards, and her professional association with a internationally prominent producer who was also her husband. It is however a historically situated study, confining itself to readings of the kind of theatrical, social and cultural work performed by Brayton's presence in a rapidly-modernising Australia during the period between Federation in 1901 and the first World War, which event marks a disjuncture in the patterns of entertainment and cultural discourse in the new nation. Pre-war Australian theatre and vaudeville managements competed vigorously to secure the most acclaimed artists, seeing it as a kind of service and duty to boost their country's prestige along with their own coffers. Meanwhile, local playwrights and producers promoted a burgeoning repertoire of Australian dramas and films which played alongside the imported products in a complex network of cultural codes and affects.